Binational Commons

Studying institutional development is not only about empowering communities to withstand political buccaneering; it is also about generating effective and democratic governance so that all members of a community can enjoy the benefits of social life. In the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, cross-border governance draws only sporadic—and even erratic—attention, primarily in times of crises, when governance mechanisms can no longer provide even moderately adequate solutions. This volume addresses the most pertinent binational issues and how they are dealt with by both countries. In this important and timely volume, experts tackle the important problem of cross-border governance by an examination of formal and informal institutions, networks, processes, and mechanisms. Contributors also discuss various social, political, and economic actors and agencies that make up the increasingly complex governance space that is the U.S.-Mexico border. Binational Commons focuses on whether the institutions that presently govern the U.S.-Mexico transborder space are effective in providing solutions to difficult binational problems as they manifest themselves in the borderlands. Critical for policy-making now and into the future, this volume addresses key binational issues. It explores where there are strong levels of institutional governance development, where it is failing, how governance mechanisms have evolved over time, and what can be done to improve it to meet the needs of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands in the next decades. Contributors Silvia M. Chavez-Baray Kimberly Collins Irasema Coronado Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera Pamela L. Cruz Adrián Duhalt James Gerber Manuel A. Gutiérrez Víctor Daniel Jurado Flores Evan D. McCormick Jorge Eduardo Mendoza Cota Miriam S. Monroy Eva M. Moya Stephen Mumme Tony Payan Carla Pederzini Villarreal Sergio Peña Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira Cecilia Sarabia Ríos Kathleen Staudt

This book analyzes the international relations of Mexico and the two most important sub-state governments of the United States, California and Texas. It explains why and how these two states conduct their international relations (IR) with Mexico and the world, and how national authorities and local governments coordinate in the definition and implementation of their international policies. Expert contributors from across the Americas offer a historical and current analysis, exploring which areas of cooperation—trade, investment, border cooperation, energy, migration—matter most. They also consider the institutional and legal bases of Mexican and U.S. states’ international relations, the changing nature of the U.S. federal system, the impact on international partners, the role of Latinos and the future of paradiplomacy in the region. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of International Relations, comparative politics, diplomacy, foreign policy, governance, and federalism, as well as business people, social leaders, and practitioners of diplomacy and paradiplomacy around the world.

On January 1, 1989 the Canadian government began to implement the free trade deal that it had completed with the Government of the United States on October 4, 1987. Before signing the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) the Canadian government had sought exemption from the use by the United States of its ‘unfair’ trade law system of anti-dumping (AD) and countervailing duties (CVDs). While the U.S. ‘unfair’ trade law system is presumed to be based on principles agreed to in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), economists, and other scholars, have contended that the system is not being applied properly; by reducing the harm caused by the margin of the foreigners' subsidy or dumping practices. Instead, it is being used to provide shelter to U.S. based corporations and industries seeking import relief, where shelter represents a type of administered trade protection, since the actions are undertaken and paid for by the U.S. government. This abuse came to represent a serious problem for Canadian producers in the1980s, who are extremely reliant on exports to the United States. To an increasing degree they believed they had become the target of U.S. trade law actions by their U.S. competitors. The United States was, however, not prepared to eliminate its ‘unfair’ trade law system for Canada, but instead, agreed to the setting up of two dispute settlement mechanisms (DSMs) where Canadian and American citizens could sit on binational panels to hear the final review of complaints lodged against the administrative agencies actions in either country on AD and CVD cases under Chapter Nineteen of the FTA or on general trade disputes under Chapter Eighteen of the FTA. This book critically examines the development and implementation of these two DSMs over the January 1, 1989 to August 15, 1994 period. It also provides a broader analysis of the issues surrounding the problems of the application of the ‘unfair’ trade laws, by examining the Canada-U.S. FTA's DSM systems against the present use by Canada and the United States of the procedures available under the 1979 GATT Subsidies Code. It also examines the changes that have been made in the 1994 GATT Subsidies Code and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) which has incorporated, with revisions, Chapter Eighteen and Nineteen as Chapter Twenty and Nineteen of the NAFTA, respectively, and extended access to these mechanisms to Mexico. This book primarily focuses on the application of CVDs and the adverse international affects of governments subsidies practices, though many of the issues raised are also applicable to the application of AD duties and the private subsidization activities of firms. The book finds that, first; the Chapter Nineteen DSM may provide some short-term benefits to Canadian producers, but for ensuring the long-run 313stability of Canadian producers access to their U.S. markets, including the eradication of harassment by U.S. based producers using the ‘unfair’ trade laws, Canada still needs to push for major changes to the CVD and AD processes in the NAFTA mandated Working Groups. Second, if Chapter Eighteen, or now Twenty of the NAFTA, is going to best serve the interests of Canadian, American and Mexican citizens, then it is going to have to be seriously revised to take into account some type of consumer welfare criterion. As NAFTA is presently written it has a strong bias, carried over from the Canada-U.S. FTA, toward producer interests which may detract from the long run interests of consumers in the NAFTA area. The ability of groups who seek redress for the closing of markets in the NAFTA area by the three Parties to the Agreement is very weak at the present time.

This monograph analyses the role of border cities in promoting territorial development processes in border regions across the world. It not only embraces the scientific fields of regional and urban studies but also addresses territorial (urban, local, regional) development and planning theories, as well as the effects of development policies applied to border regions in both Europe and North America. In essence, the book offers a full toolkit of border regions' territorial development knowledge and, in particular, advances a range of policy development proposals. It provides a comprehensive introduction to contemporary thinking about how border cities can play a decisive role in boosting territorial development processes in border regions. The book is divided into three parts. Part I presents a theoretical framework on the role of border cities in promoting territorial development and planning in border regions. Part II debates current mainstream policies focusing on supporting border regions and specifically border cities in the EU, the UK, and North America. Finally, Part III presents a wealth of updated knowledge, based on the analysis of several concrete case studies: border cities from both Europe (north, south, east and west) and North America (Canada, the United States, and Mexico). The chapters are written by some of the most renowned authors on the subject, including scholars from several European and North American countries, as well as the secretary generals of three European border regions associations (AEBR, MOT, and CESCI). The book will thoroughly prepare students and provide knowledge to academics and policymakers in the fields of urban and regional planning and development studies, human geography, economic development, EU policies, border regions, and policy impacts.

MERCOSUR (Southern Common Market) Business Law Handbook - Strategic Information and Basic Laws) (Argentina Paraguay Uruguay and Brazil).

Drug Wars and Covert Netherworlds describes the history of Mexican narco cartels and their regional and organizational trajectories and differences. Covering more than five decades, sociologist James H. Creechan unravels a web of government dependence, legitimate enterprises, and covert connections.

Advancing United States-Mexico Binational Sustainability Partnerships incorporates features of the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, in particular, Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 17. SDG 17 calls for revitalizing global partnerships for sustainable development. It is specifically focused on the advancement of multi-stakeholder partnerships that require coordination and collaboration among diverse stakeholders in pursuit of a common and mutually beneficial vision. With attention to SDG 17, this report draws on social science theory and applied research on partnerships to explore potential strategies and mechanisms to increase coordination between relevant government agencies, the private sector, and civil society in the United States and Mexico.--Publisher's website.

Forty years after Richard Nixon declared a “War on Drugs,” this sobering book offers views of the “narco wars” from scholars on both sides of the US-Mexico border. With evidence newly obtained through freedom-of-information inquiries in Mexico, it proposes practical solutions to a seemingly intractable crisis.