Catholic Police Officers In Northern Ireland

This exciting book, newly available in paperback, aims to establish the historical and cultural reasons why there was only a participation rate of 7-8% by the Catholic population in policing Northern Ireland when the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) came into being in 2001, even though Catholics constituted 46% of the total population. It also aims to ascertain whether or not implementation of the Patten Commission's recommendation to recruit to the PSNI on a 50:50 basis between Catholics and non-Catholics has resulted in greater representation and what the political and cultural obstacles might be in transforming policing from meeting colonial model criteria to those of the liberal model advocated by Patten. In doing this, author Mary Gethins uses a wealth of historical data to show that there has for a long time been a problematic relationship between the native Irish Catholic population and the police, and the reasons for Catholic under-representation in the police force can be largely put down to this legacy. A survey of Catholic police officers focusing on family history, reasons for joining the police and sacrifices perceived to have been made in joining a largely Protestant organisation provide a strong empirical evidence base from which Gethins draws illuminating lessons. The work is informed by sociological theory to show that Catholic police officers are atypical of the Catholic population at large in Northern Ireland, and best explained by the concept of fragmented identity.

Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject English Language and Literature Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,3, University of Tubingen, course: LPS The Northen Irish Troubles, 17 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: In the conflict between Catholic Nationalists and Protestant Loyalists in Northern Ireland the security forces have played and continue to play a controversial and crucial role. Hailed by Loyalists as defenders of Ulster, condemned by Nationalists for their biased, sectarian practices, the police forces were often not mediators between both sides but combatants in the 'Troubles' who fueled the conflict. This paper intends to look at the history of policing in Northern Ireland from 1920 to 2001, focusing on the early years in order to show a path-dependency of the 'Troubles'. It will substantiate that the conflict between the police forces and the population during the 'Troubles', beginning in 1968, was not a singular, isolated event that can be examined without its historical context. But rather, the seed of this conflict had been planted fifty years prior, when Northern Ireland's police forces were established. Chapter 3 looks at the public perception surrounding policing and will examine the differences and similarities of opinion between Catholics and Protestants. Chapter 4 deals with the internal problems facing policing. Furthermore, it will question Seamus Mallon's, a former deputy leader of the SDLP and Northern Ireland's Deputy First Minister from 1998 to 2001, statement that the RUC was "97% Protestant and 100% unionist" (Royal Ulster Constabulary 2006).

Seminar paper from the year 2006 in the subject English Language and Literature Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,3, University of Tubingen, course: LPS The Northen Irish Troubles, language: English, abstract: In the conflict between Catholic Nationalists and Protestant Loyalists in Northern Ireland the security forces have played and continue to play a controversial and crucial role. Hailed by Loyalists as defenders of Ulster, condemned by Nationalists for their biased, sectarian practices, the police forces were often not mediators between both sides but combatants in the ‘Troubles’ who fueled the conflict. This paper intends to look at the history of policing in Northern Ireland from 1920 to 2001, focusing on the early years in order to show a path-dependency of the ‘Troubles’. It will substantiate that the conflict between the police forces and the population during the ‘Troubles’, beginning in 1968, was not a singular, isolated event that can be examined without its historical context. But rather, the seed of this conflict had been planted fifty years prior, when Northern Ireland’s police forces were established. Chapter 3 looks at the public perception surrounding policing and will examine the differences and similarities of opinion between Catholics and Protestants. Chapter 4 deals with the internal problems facing policing. Furthermore, it will question Seamus Mallon’s, a former deputy leader of the SDLP and Northern Ireland’s Deputy First Minister from 1998 to 2001, statement that the RUC was “97% Protestant and 100% unionist” (Royal Ulster Constabulary 2006).

Police reform, one of the most hotly debated issues in Northern Ireland, is at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement. This timely and dispassionate book examines the status quo and puts forward reasoned proposals to help create representative, impartial, decentralised, demilitarised and democratically accountable policing services - proposals which respect the identities and ideas of unionists, nationalists and others.

This is a study of the conditions present in an ethnically divided society that affect police-community relations.

From day one of triggering Article 50 by Theresa May, the one single stumbling block, which no politician mentioned, was ‘Northern Ireland’ -that ‘wee’ forgotten colony with a British border with the EU. Did anyone care or was it just an oversight. It certainly wasn’t forgotten by the DUP. By reading this short history book you will come to understand: · ‘The Troubles’ · The rise of extremist Loyalist and Republican parties in Northern Ireland unable to govern · Why the BACKSTOP was only offered to Northern Ireland by the EU · Why the DUP walked out of talks with Sinn Fein, collapsing the assembly in order to support Theresa May cling to power · How the DUP aided Boris Johnston to become PM and · How the DUP have been dictating the terms of Brexit all along.

Despite the staggering number of books related to the Northern Ireland political arena, most of the literature concentrates on only a few dimensions of ?the conflict? and especially on constitutional policy and the on-going search for a resolution of the antagonisms. This original textbook, the first of its kind, serves as a comprehensive examination of the subject by exploring these topics and other important dimensions of politics which have been overlooked and undervalued.Politics in Northern Ireland is written by a team of distinguished academics, drawn from both within and outside Northern Ireland. It adopts the analytic tools of political science and brings a comparative perspective to bear on the politics of Northern Ireland. Early chapters examine the historic sources of conflict, analyze the period since the outbreak of the modern troubles, and discuss the differences between the communities. The book then examines the nature of parties, elections, and elective assemblies, before focusing on policy matters, such as fair employment, policing, and gender. In the concluding chapter, contributors consider relations with the Republic of Ireland and discuss events as current as today's headlines, including the historic breakthrough in negotiations, the referendums, and the Assembly elections. The result is a well-rounded core text designed for the classroom, as well as for those interested in learning more about different facets of politics in Northern Ireland.