China S Political Economy In The Xi Jinping Epoch Domestic And Global Dimensions

This book takes a fresh look at Chinese political economy at a key inflection point. Facing a more competitive international environment, Chinese reform has shifted from its earlier focus on economic liberalization and political decentralization to a more tightly organized, centralized form of state socialism. The Party-state's vigorous fiscal reaction to the Global Financial Crisis (2008-2009) left the country with a much improved infrastructure and greater sense of national self-assurance. The more monocratic central leadership has redoubled efforts to fight poverty and pollution, push technological innovation, and at the same time rigorously enforce ideological consensus, political loyalty and anticorruption.This has been occurring in an international context of slowing trade and nationalist pushback against 'globalization', prominently including bilateral Chinese-American polarization. While China has been among the staunchest advocates and beneficiaries of globalization, incipient trade war 'decoupling' has spurred movement toward economic and technological self-reliance. Turning inward however vies with a rival impulse toward more vigorous engagement in the world. This is most consequentially represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, driving massive infrastructure construction through Central Asia and the South and Southeast Asian maritime periphery. Despite slowing growth and a large debt overhang, swift recovery from the Covid-19 epidemic leaves China in a relatively strong economic position.

This book focuses on China's future under Xi Jinping's authoritarian leadership by examining various facets of the political, economic, social and foreign policy trajectories of contemporary China. It assesses Xi Jinping's power dynamic as the 'core' leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and analyses the impact of Xi's signature domestic policies which demonstrate his political authority within the domestic sphere. Moreover, the book presents Xi's pro-active, assertive and action-oriented outlook as a foundation for China's diplomacy in the 'new era'. Bringing together an international set of experts in the field who explore critical facets of China under Xi Jinping that deeply influence the regional as well as the global order, the book investigates the impact of Chinese initiatives such as the grand Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB). Importantly, the book illustrates US-China relations and outlines how this relationship will intensify in the post-COVID-19 era, which is poised to be one of the biggest challenges and turning points of the 'Asian Century'. Offering a timely insight into China's future and the trajectory of Xi Jinping's consolidation of power, this book will be of interest to academics in the fields of China Studies, Asian and International Politics and International Relations.

Today, globalisation has entered a critical phase of slowdown. The asymmetrical US-China relationship that has been the fundamental axis up to now has entered into crisis. The financial imperialism of the dollar proves to be increasingly burdensome and destabilizing. The rise of capitalist China is questioning US imperialist levy. This book offers a comprehensive analysis of the looming confrontation, while identifying potential points of no return in the intertwined dynamics of the world market, geopolitical configurations, and class relationships. Neither contender can give up the game. Will there be a de-globalisation? Is a multipolar order realistic? Are we facing a Chinese hegemonic challenge or rather first signs that hint at the potential for systemic disintegration?

The Handbook of Constitutional Law in Greater China surveys important issues of constitutional law in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. It synthesizes existing scholarship, debates, and views on important constitutional issues in the four jurisdictions. Written by a range of scholars, it contributes to both national and comparative scholarship on constitutional law in these jurisdictions. The book includes four parts: Part I: History. This part explores the constitutional movement of the Qing dynasty; constitutional projects in modern China; and aspects of the drafting and implementation history of the Hong Kong and Macau Basic Laws Part II: Structure. This part discusses the relationship between the party-state and the Chinese constitutional order; Chinese constitutionalism; constitutional aspects of city development under the SAR concept; constitutional review in Mainland China; a history of Taiwan’s ‘Council of Grand Justices’; and judicial review in both Hong Kong and Macau Part III: Rights, Society, and Economy. This part deals with Hong Kong’s National Security Law and its impact on the ‘one country, two systems model’; social movements and constitutionalism; LGBT rights advocacy; the integration of capitalist regions within socialist China; the constitutional relevance of labour reforms in Mainland China; healthcare rights in both the Mainland and the SARS; and foreign investment under Art. 18 of the PRC Constitution Part IV: Transnational Engagement. This part surveys comparative writings on China’s constitution; the influence of international human rights treaties on China’s constitutional order; the international dimension of Hong Kong’s constitutional order; and the changing role of the ‘overseas judges’ in Hong Kong Exploring both historical and cutting-edge constitutional issues, this reference book is important reading for law researchers, lawyers, graduate students, undergraduates, and practitioners in the field of constitutional law and politics in Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau.

Henry Kissinger observed, 'Everybody wants to be a China hawk.' China is a bully. China is Nazi Germany. China commits genocide. China disrupts the 'international rules-based order.' Responding to such uninformed generalization on the nature of China's regime and its lack of human values, the Western Liberal Democracies have created their own 'China Problem' by clinging to Cold War anachronism. The clash of values is not nearly as deep and extensive as is often claimed. Furthermore, the contemporary public discourse on China needs a complete assessment of the values that have emerged in Xi Jinping's China. Xi is regarded as 'red' like Mao. Xi, however, has abandoned Mao's view of class struggle and his notion of a 'rejuvenated China' embraces traditional core principles that Mao bitterly condemned. 'Ren', or 'benevolence', for example, now informs entwined domestic and foreign policy as 'moderate prosperity in all respects'. 'Ren', or 'benevolence' is aligned with 'common security' and 'common development'. The question is whether this is a positive restoration of traditional values that will contribute to domestic development and international peace, or restorationist Middle-Kingdom-ism designed to assert Chinese values worldwide. This book's analysis of Chinese values argues that the current interpretation of the 'China Threat' is predicated in a serious misunderstanding of Chinese values.It is often commented that China is 'the defining geopolitical issues of our time'. This book is an especially timely contribution to the currently limited public policy debate on China as a threat to Western values and the 'international rules-based system'. Correction is long overdue with reference to speculative assumptions that Xi Jinping's regime represents a return to Mao's regime. 'Socialism with Chinese characteristics' has significantly moved on under Xi's leadership. Hyperbole about China has presumed the continuation of Chinese Cold War ideology and has either lightly commented on, or ignored altogether the resurgence of core traditional ideas in Chinese policy formation. This book provides detailed research of 'Xi Jinping Thought' and 'Xi Jinping Diplomatic Thought'. It adopts a widely construed, but serious interdisciplinary, approach towards the 'China Problem', drawing on both the social sciences and humanities. This wide-angled approach includes 'new sinology' in its recent review of 'translated China', synthesizing tradition and culture with the development of modern Chinese ideology, politics and policy formation. The book's significant topicality is presented within an unconventional approach and formatted contents designed to reach out to the biggest circle of general and advanced, China-interested readers in the time of great debate.

By examining the changing political economy in China through detailed studies of the peasantry, workers, middle classes, and the dominant class, this volume reveals the Communist Party of China’s (CCP’s) impact on social change in China between 1978 and 2021. This book explores in depth the CCP’s programme of reform and openness that had a dramatic impact on China’s socio-economic trajectory following the death of Mao Zedong and the end of the Cultural Revolution. It also goes on to chart the acceptance of Market Socialism, highlighting the resulting emergence of a larger middle class, while also appreciating the profound consequences this created for workers and peasants. Additionally, this volume examines the development of the dominant class which remains a defining feature of China’s political economy and the Party-state. Providing an in-depth analysis of class as understood by the CCP in conjunction with sociological interpretations of socio-economic and socio-political change, this study will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Politics, Chinese History, Asian Politics, and Asian studies.

This volume zones in on Russia’s relations with the Indo-Pacific region through the lens of theoretical pluralism, presenting alternatives to the mainstream Realist view of Russia as a major power using geopolitical strategies to establish itself. Russia in the Indo-Pacific is an understudied topic that needs a fresh perspective. Contributors to this volume are based across Russia, China, Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam, and the USA, drawing on a range of multinational perspectives and theoretical approaches encompassing realism and liberalism, constructivism and the English school of international relations. Reflecting a trend of internationalization in the Russian study of IR, such theoretical pluralism could facilitate Russian contributions to emerging global IR theory. Russia in the Indo-Pacific contributes towards a more intelligible common discourse in the Indo-Pacific, of interest to students and scholars of Sino-Russian relations, Indo-Pacific international relations, and international relations theory. It will also be of interest to policymakers and general readers following foreign policy and economic trends in the Indo-Pacific who want to better understand Russia's role.

In Making Globalization Happen: The Untold Story of Power, Profits, Privilege, Sripati explains how, when, through which entities, and for what purposes economic globalization was catalyzed and its effects on the Global South in general and South Asia in particular. Based on an innovative international constitutional political economy framework, Sripati examines how the Western classical liberal constitution has shaped international law developments in this post-colonial era given its salience and comprehensive scope. Presenting a comprehensive narrative of economic globalization, Making Globalization Happen accurately and comprehensively links constitutional globalization to the following UN family-created agendas: peacebuilding, conflict prevention, human security, protection of civilians, sustainable development, global war on terrorism, women, peace, and security, poverty reduction or market-oriented development, ending conflict-related sexual violence, and justice (climate, criminal, and transitional). Sripati simultaneously provides the missing constitutional foundation for globalization and the fields that it has spawned: global studies and law and political economy. With these ground-breaking insights, Making Globalization Happen: The Untold Story of Power, Profits, Privilege clearly illustrates who drove constitutional globalization and for whose benefit: the UN family and transnational capitalists. Thus, it rips away the facade of UN family-driven peace, justice, human rights, democracy, and development to expose it as a narrative of power, profit, and privilege for transnational capitalists and debt, death, and despair for the Global South.