Culture And Customs Of Afghanistan

Afghanistan is situated at the crossroads of Asia, a strategically important location that connects the Middle East with Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Down the ages it has been subjected to continuous foreign invasion and intervention—from Alexander the Great to Genghis Khan, and as a pawn in the struggle between the British and Russian Empires—making its people wary of outsiders. That history is being repeated in the twenty-first century. Afghanistan has always been seen from the outside as a realm of much intrigue and many myths. The Afghans tried to keep their distance from the outside world—especially from the Europeans who, whether in pursuit of imperial goals or simply as explorer–travelers, attempted to enter and traverse the land. Their very elusiveness attracted Westerners to this landlocked country of high mountains and breathtaking beauty, where age-old customs and traditions were zealously guarded, sometimes at the cost of many lives. The Afghan people are a tapestry of ethnicities woven over time—Pashtuns, Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, and many smaller ones. Society is organized mainly along ethnic and tribal lines, but ethnic identity becomes irrelevant when a common enemy threatens to take control of the country. There are also many shared values and unwritten codes of conduct that govern interpersonal relations, which are not taken lightly. Visitors are struck by the simplicity, hospitability, dignity, and generosity of the Afghan people, and often confounded by customs that they find hard to understand. Culture Smart! Afghanistan is a unique introduction to the background, habits, traditions, idiosyncrasies, suspicions about foreigners, and patterns of behavior of the Afghan people. It offers visitors invaluable information and insights that will help them to interact with Afghans, to interpret their behavior, and to behave appropriately in their company, whether in personal or business exchanges. Once the ice is broken, the rewards will be great.

Afghanistan has been at the crossroads of many cultures and civilizations, occupying a unique place in the cultural geography of Central Asia. Invading tribes and armies passed through ancient Afghanistan and left their imprint on the culture, customs, and way of life there. In recent history, Afghanistan has been the focus of international attention since the Soviet invasion and occupation of 1979-1989, the brutal civil war that ensued, and the subsequent U.S. invasion to topple the Taliban regime. As the country struggles to stabilize and rebuild, this volume is the first to reveal the people and ways of life that have been in flux for so long. Emadi brings an insider's knowledge and authority to the accessible narrative. Students and general readers will find a clear explanation of the land, people, economy, social stratification, and history as context for the chapters that follow. In the chapter on Religion and Religious Thought, the predominant Islamic religion is largely intertwined with political events that have brought Afghanistan such attention. The lesser-known literature and the arts are brought to light next. A strong Architecture, Housing, and Settlements chapter highlights many styles unfamiliar to most Westerners. Coverage of Afghan cooking and cuisine brings a more intimate understanding of the culture. The chapter on Family, Women, and Gender will draw readers in with its survey of how the family works, what is expected of women, and what courtship, marriage, childrearing, and education are like today. A standout of the Festivals and Leisure Activities chapter is the vivid rendering of the sport called Buzkashi, where men on horseback vie to move an animal carcass across a field to a goal. A final chapter on Lifestyles, Media, and Education describes the urban vs. rural lifestyles, the state of communications, and the prospects for schooling post Taliban. A country map, glossary, resource guide, and photos complement the text.

Provide an in-depth overview of the resilient people of Afghanistan and their ways of life as they emerge from decades of war and civil strife.

Traces the political history of Afghanistan from the sixteenth century to the present, looking at what has united the people as well as the regional, cultural, and political differences that divide them.

Afghanistan 101 is an introduction to Afghan culture. More specifically, this dimensional analysis discusses Power Distance (PD), Uncertainty Avoidance (UA), Individualism (IND), and Masculinity (MAS) in the Afghan national culture. These dimensions are based on the work of the well-known Dutch anthropologist Geert Hofestede. The manifestations of these cultural dimensions explain the attitudes and actions of Afghans. Each chapter on dimensions also includes a section where the implications of a particular dimension are pointed out to the Westerner working in Afghanistan. Power Distance, the first dimension of culture, describes the relationship between a less powerful person and a more powerful one. As Afghanistan is on the high side of PD, social power is coercive in Afghanistan. One comes to power by force and is ousted by force; wealth and power are inseparable; decision making is autocratic and consultative; expert power does not carry much weight; age and charisma are important; and in Afghanistan, it is the authority of the person rather than the authority of position or rule that counts most. Uncertainty avoidance, the second dimension, involves dealing with fear and ambiguity—fear of nature, fear of other men, and fear of the supernatural. UA is negatively related to PD. A high PD society is on the low side of UA. Cultures use three methods to deal with fear and ambiguity: law, technology, and religion. Being on the low side of UA, Afghans rely heavily on Islam to reduce fear and uncertainty because they cannot rely on technology or the rule of law. The fundamental religious beliefs that help Afghans cope with fear and uncertainty are (1) life in this world temporary, (2) the source of both good and evil is God, and (3) God is just and will punish the oppressors and evil-doers in this world and in the next. Individualism versus collectivism, the third dimension of culture, relates to the relationship of an individual to a collectivity. In nonindividualistic societies such as Afghanistan, one’s loyalty and devotion is first and foremost to the family, ethnic or other collectivity, rather than to the country as a whole. Such loyalties are characteristic of nonnation-states, and are best explained as “Afghan nationalism” that is based on ethnicity, sect, region, and ideology. Afghanistan is not and has never been a nation-state. In a nation-state, people rally around the constitution, the flag, the national anthem, and other such symbols instead of their ethnicity, sect, region, ideology, and so on. Furthermore, a nation-state is based on the rule of law, checks and balances, human rights, freedom of the press, political parties, free and fair elections, accountability, and transparency. The concept of a nation-state is a Western phenomenon, although the roots of a nation-state are deep in some Islamic countries, shallow in others, and nonexistent in others. Turkey, the first Islamic country to have become a nation-state, falls into the first category whereas Afghanistan, into the last. For Afghanistan to move in the direction of becoming a nation-state, some type of federalism may be the only way to prevent further ethnic conflict and another civil war. Masculinity, the fourth dimension of culture, describes the degree to which there is a gender gap within a culture. Afghanistan is on the high side of MAS. As such, sex roles are set in the family and are reinforced in the schools, workplace, and other social organizations. In general, males are taught to be assertive and females, nurturing. In Afghan society, male assertiveness generally involves aggressiveness, bravery, endurance, leadership, power, dominance, and independence. Female nurturance, on the other hand, is characterized by submissiveness, patience, tenderness, and affection. It is Islamic fundamentalism and Afghan cultural tradition, rather than mainstream Islam, that limits the rights

This book analyses the problematique of governance and administration of cultural diversity within the modern state of Afghanistan and traces patterns of national integration. It explores state construction in twentieth-century Afghanistan and Afghan nationalism, and explains the shifts in the state’s policies and societal responses to different forms of governance of cultural diversity. The book problematizes liberalism, communitarianism, and multiculturalism as approaches to governance of diversity within the nation-state. It suggests that while the western models of multiculturalism have recognized the need to accommodate different cultures, they failed to engage with them through intercultural dialogue. It also elaborates the challenge of intra-group diversity and the problem of accommodating individual choice and freedom while recognising group rights and adoption of multiculturalism. The book develops an alternative approach through synthesising critical multiculturalism and interculturalism as a framework on a democratic and inclusive approach to governance of diversity. A major intervention in understanding a war-torn country through an insider account, this book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics and international relations, especially those concerned with multiculturalism, state-building, nationalism, and liberalism, as well as those in cultural studies, history, Afghanistan studies, South Asian studies, Middle East studies, minority studies, and to policymakers.

Portrayed in Western discourse as tribal and traditional, Afghans have in fact intensely debated women's rights, democracy, modernity, and Islam as part of their nation building in the post-9/11 era. Wazhmah Osman places television at the heart of these public and politically charged clashes while revealing how the medium also provides war-weary Afghans with a semblance of open discussion and healing. After four decades of gender and sectarian violence, she argues, the internationally funded media sector has the potential to bring about justice, national integration, and peace. Fieldwork from across Afghanistan allowed Osman to record the voices of many Afghan media producers and people. Afghans offer their own seldom-heard views on the country's cultural progress and belief systems, their understandings of themselves, and the role of international interventions. Osman analyzes the impact of transnational media and foreign funding while keeping the focus on local cultural contestations, productions, and social movements. As a result, she redirects the global dialogue about Afghanistan to Afghans and challenges top-down narratives of humanitarian development.

Cross-cultural interactions take place every day in contemporary Afghanistan between locals and the thousands of foreigners working in the country as diplomats, officials from international organisations and humanitarian aid workers. As their work requires them to interact with Afghans in manifold ways, all foreigners are, at least indirectly, required to negotiate. Karrer’s ePaper sheds light on the cross-cultural issues likely to contribute to the difficulties encountered by the international community in negotiating with Afghans, as well as for Afghans negotiating with foreigners. Through an analysis of academic literature, Karrer broadly outlines selected elements of Pashtun, in contrast to Western, negotiation culture, discusses the extent to which this negotiation culture may be attributed to Pashtun tradition, and attempts to highlight the complexity of Afghan negotiation behaviour against the binary indexing predominant in the preconceived cluster of Western cross-cultural negotiation and communication theories. Karrer’s research yields some significant insights into the impacts of cross-cultural issues on negotiation. Largely, he finds that current cross-cultural theories fail to provide a solid basis upon which to interpret the reality that exists on the ground in Afghanistan. This Paper draws on a final research work submitted to fulfil the requirements of the Executive Master in International Negotiation and Policy-Making (INP). The views and opinions expressed in this ePaper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position position of Switzerland's Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (FDFA).