Current Transformations And Their Potential Role In Realizing Change In The Arab World

In recent years, terms and concepts like change, reform, modernization, development, political transformation and democratization have become commonplace at various national and international levels among both civil and official organizations. Although audible in the past, appeals for reform from within the Arab world have taken on a new dimension since the beginning of the 21st century. The 2002 UNDP Arab Human Development Report sketched the first systematic structure for these demands. This new drive for reform has emerged in the midst of unfavorable regional and international circumstances, such as the continued Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, the occupation of Iraq by the United States, and the escalation of terrorism. In the face of calls for reform from both their own peoples and foreign forces, Arab ruling regimes have exploited these issues to cripple or postpone the introduction of comprehensive reforms. In the Arab world, the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society institutions remains limited. However, further cultural and political development will strengthen the role of these bodies in creating a system of freedom and good governance in Arab states. Recently, demands by Arab societal and political forces for democracy have increased to such an extent that progressive Islamic thought has endeavored to achieve historical reconciliation with the mechanisms and values of democracy, seeking, for example, to bring together democracy and the Islamic principle of Shura (consultation). Most political Islamic groups now advocate democracy, but there is still some doubt as to whether these movements do so out of true conviction or are simply using the concept of democracy as a vehicle to seize power, which can be discarded after serving its purpose. Hence, political Islamic movements must clarify their attitudes towards democracy and ultimately decide whether not to follow a democratic path. It is also vital that Arab regimes refrain from intimidating internal and external forces by threatening the possibility of Islamic movements taking power if free and honest elections were to be held, and by using this to justify their hindrance of democratic transformations, effectively paralyzing Arab political life. Modern developmental experiences and theories have clearly established a strong – if not vital – link between liberty and development. Ultimately, therefore, any project to spread democracy in the Arab world must be associated with an effective process of comprehensive development.

Since the start of the new millennium, Arab countries have been affected by the US-led 'war on terror' and the pressures exerted by the US administration, which calls for political reforms and the spreading of democracy in the Middle East as part of its counter-terrorism campaign. In addition, Arab nations are experiencing the repercussions arising from the invasion of Iraq and the rebuilding of its political system. Along with these external effects, these countries are concurrently witnessing internal developments represented by the growing power of political Islam and the rise of popular movements and civil society organizations demanding democracy, freedom and human rights. In the context of these sociopolitical changes underway in the Arab world, it is vital to have an understanding of the dynamics, complexities and obstacles involved in spreading democracy in the region. This book examines the role of Arab political institutions, the influence of non-governmental organizations in furthering change and progress and the role played by the forces of political Islam in the process of transformation. Other matters closely related to the issue of modernization in Arab countries are also discussed, such as the importance of education as a basis for change and the potential role of Arab women in the field of development. Thus, the book contributes to the growing internal discussion on the issues of change, reform and modernization, which will shape the form and future of communities in the Arab world.

The Persian Gulf state of Qatar has fewer than 2 million inhabitants, virtually no potable water, and has been an independent nation only since 1971. Yet its enormous oil and gas wealth has permitted the ruling al Thani family to exert a disproportionately large influence on regional and even international politics. Qatar is, as Mehran Kamrava explains in this knowledgeable and incisive account of the emirate, a "tiny giant": although severely lacking in most measures of state power, it is highly influential in diplomatic, cultural, and economic spheres. Kamrava presents Qatar as an experimental country, building a new society while exerting what he calls "subtle power." It is both the headquarters of the global media network Al Jazeera and the site of the U.S. Central Command's Forward Headquarters and the Combined Air Operations Center. Qatar has been a major player during the European financial crisis, it has become a showplace for renowned architects, several U.S. universities have established campuses there, and it will host the FIFA World Cup in 2022. Qatar's effective use of its subtle power, Kamrava argues, challenges how we understand the role of small states in the global system. Given the Gulf state's outsized influence on regional and international affairs, this book is a critical and timely account of contemporary Qatari politics and society.

There are twenty-nine Islamic law states (ILS) in the world today, and their Muslim population is over 900 million. Muslims in these countries--and, to some extent, all Muslims--are ethically, morally, doctrinally, or politically committed to the Islamic legal tradition, a unique logic and culture of justice based on nonconfrontational dispute resolution. In Islamic Law and International Law, Emilia Justyna Powell examines the differences and similarities between the Islamic legal tradition and international law, focusing in particular on the issue of conflict management and resolution. In many Islamic Law States, Islamic law displaces secular law in state governance and shapes these countries' international dealings. Powell considers why some of Islamic Law States accept international courts while others avoid them, stressing throughout that we cannot make blanket claims about such states. Each relationship is context-specific, hinging on the nature of the domestic legal system. Moreover, not all of these states are Islamic to the same degree or in the same way. Secular law and religious law fuse in different ways in different domestic legal systems. Often, the Islamic legal tradition points in one direction, while the Western-based, secularized international law points in another. However, Powell argues that Islamic legal tradition contains elements that are compatible with modern international law. She marshals original data on the legal systems structures in thirty Islamic Law States over the entire course of the post-World War Two era, and she draws from in-depth interviews with Islamic law scholars and leading practitioners of international law, including judges of the International Court of Justice. Rich in empirical evidence, this book will reshape how we think about the relationship between ILS and the international system.

Essays on the politics of everyday style.

This book examines actors, tools, and issues associated with the changing nature of the environment in which the United Nations operates; the ways in which it has responded and might respond to technological and political problems; and the questions and difficulties that arise for the world organization. Issues covered in the book include doctrinal questions on the use of force, the regional dynamics of nuclear proliferation, and the growing concern that nuclear order established by the NPT may collapse or simply be overtaken by events.--Publisher's description.