Disraelian Conservatism And Social Reform

The book discusses the party's course of evolution in its Disraelian period by focusing on a central theme of 'Disraelian' Conservatism -- social reform.

A fresh look at the complex question of outdoor poor relief in the nineteenth century.

The Persistence of Victorian Liberalism examines the question of where to locate the ideological break between classical liberalism and the underlying principles of the modern Welfare State. While most historians of 19th century Britain argue that such a shift occurred prior to 1900, Haggard challenges the contention that classical liberalism had been so undermined by this point that the modern Welfare State was largely inevitable. He considers the public discussion of progress, poverty, charity, socialism, and social reform, and he concludes that the vast majority of the Victorian middle and upper classes remained wedded to the tenets of classical liberalism up to the close of the century. In contrast to traditional characterizations, Haggard argues that progress, individualism, and character continued to resonate within Victorian society throughout the late Victorian period. Private philanthropy grew increasingly active as a remedy to urban poverty. The London Socialist movement, the New Unionism, the Independent Labour Party, and the New Liberalism, each proponents of socialistic reforms, found themselves marginalized politically. The key to the social debates of the day was the concept of the deserving versus the undeserving poor. Although the deserving might expect some private or public aid, the undeserving were to be punished for their lack of character. Until this notion was overturned, the Welfare State would remain outside the realm of practical politics.

This book traces the often sharply differing perspectives historians have formed with regard to the key incidents in the careers of the two foremost politicians of the Victorian age – Gladstone and Disraeli. Following the parallel careers of both men, it focuses upon a series of contentious questions, ranging from why Disraeli opposed Corn Law repeal in 1846 and Gladstone abandoned his High Tory politics for Peelism, to whether Disraeli was ever an Imperialist and why Gladstone took up the cause of Irish Home Rule. By juxtaposing the contrasting interpretations advocated by historians, it brings home to students how history is a continually evolving subject in which every generation poses new questions, or reformulates answers to old ones – encouraging those studying the subject to realise that history is an ongoing dialogue to which they are called upon to contribute.

Defence of inequality has always been a core principle of the Conservative Party in Great Britain. Yet the Conservatives have enjoyed great electoral success in a British society marked by widespread inequalities of wealth and income. Peter Dorey here examines the intellectual and political arguments which Conservatives use to justify inequality. He also considers debates between Conservatives over how much inequality is desirable or acceptable. Should inequality be unlimited, in order to promote liberty, incentives and rewards? Or should inequality be kept within certain bounds to prevent social breakdown and political upheaval? Finally, he examines why some less prosperous sections of British society have nonetheless supported the Conservatives instead of political parties promoting equality. This book will be an important resource for students and commentators of contemporary British politics.

In the mid-nineteenth century many parts of England and Wales were still subjected to a system of regulated prostitution which, by identifying and detaining for treatment infected prostitutes, aimed to protect members of the armed forces (94 per cent of whom were forbidden to marry) from venereal diseases. The coercive nature of the Contagious Diseases Acts and the double standard which allowed the continuance of prostitution on the ground that the prostitute 'herself the supreme type of vice, she is ultimately the most efficient guardian of virtue', aroused the ire of many reformers, not only women’s rights campaigners. Paul McHugh analyses the social composition of the different repeal and reform movements – the liberal reformists, the passionate struggle of the charismatic Josephine Butler, the Tory reformers whose achievement was in the improvement of preventative medicine, and finally the Social Purity movement of the 1880s which favoured a coercive approach. This is a fascinating study of ideals and principles in action, of pressure-group strategy, and of individual leaders in the repeal movement’s sixteen year progress to victory. The book was originally publised in 1980.

This compact and accessible reference work provides all the essential facts and figures about major aspects of modern British history from the death of Queen Anne to the end of the 1990s. The Longman Handbook of Modern British History has been extended to include a fully-revised bibliography (reflecting the wealth of newly published material in recent years), the new statistics on social and economic history and an expanded glossary of terms. The political chronologies have been revised to include the electoral defeat of John Major and the record of New Labour in office. Designed for the student and general reader, this highly-successful handbook provides a wealth of varied data within the confines of a single volume.

Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield, remains one of the most fascinating and enigmatic figures in British political history. He was the romantic radical, who went on to lead the Conservative party; the urban, middle class Jew, who identified himself with a ruling elite based on the aristocracy, land and Anglicanism. This study of Disraeli seeks to provide a balanced coverage of the whole of his career, giving equal weight to the long period spent as leader of the opposition, as well as examining his rise to the Conservative leadership and his subsequent record as Prime Minister. An assessment is offered of Disraeli's contribution to the late-Victorian Conservative party's political ascendancy, and in particular to its image as the 'national' party.