Founding Factions

The fundamental importance of the 1787 Constitutional Convention continues to affect contemporary politics. The Constitution defines the structure and limits of the American system of government, and it organizes contemporary debates about policy and legal issues—debates that explicitly invoke the intentions and actions of those delegates to the Convention. Virtually all scholarship emphasizes the importance of compromise between key actors or factions at the Convention. In truth, the deep structure of voting at the Convention remains somewhat murky because the traditional stories are incomplete. There were three key factions at the Convention, not two. The alliance of the core reformers with the slave interests helped change representation and make a stronger national government. When it came time to create a strong executive, a group of small state delegates provided the crucial votes. Traditional accounts gloss over the complicated coalition politics that produced these important compromises, while this book shows the specific voting alignments. It is true that the delegates came with common purposes, but they were divided by both interests and ideas into three crosscutting factions. There was no persistent dominant coalition of reformers or nationalists; rather, there was a series of minority factions allying with one another on the major issues to fashion the compromise. Founding Factions helps us understand the nature of shifting majorities and how they created the American government.

The volume opens with a detailed autobiographical sketch of the author's original 'meeting with Japan', which began in 1961after taking up a post at ANU, Canberra (the result of a successful response to an advert in the Manchester Guardian). After twenty-one years in Australia, Arthur Stockwin moved back to the UK to take the chair of the then recently-established Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies. He was to be in post there also for twenty one years, his retirement coinciding with publication of his Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Japan (Routledge, 2003).

This volume offers new insights on Jewish-Gentile relations and the evolution of belief in the early Jesus movement, suggesting that the New Testament reflects the early stages of a Gentile challenge to the authority and legitimacy of the descendants of Jesus' disciples and first followers as the exclusive guardians and interpreters of his legacy.

How James Monroe's relationships impacted the rise, fall, and rebirth of political parties in the early American republic. From the Revolutionary War to his death in 1831, James Monroe's life was dominated by partisan politics. Monroe—not uniquely among the American founders—hated political parties, even writing that he "always considered their existence as the curse of the country." Yet his career saw the rise, fall, and rebirth of American political parties. In The Founders' Curse, historian Brook Poston tells the story of Monroe's decision to help create the Jeffersonian Republican party, his efforts to destroy the Federalists and eliminate the need for parties, and the role he played in their rebirth as various parties developed after the battle to succeed his presidency in 1824. For a time, Monroe succeeded in his goal to eliminate parties: during his presidency, he intentionally made appointments designed to lessen partisanship and took tours of the nation that brought the country together. Monroe developed relationships with every major political figure of the first half-century of American history, spanning two different generations—yet all his relationships were defined by political parties. In the end, Poston explains how Monroe's successes in eliminating political parties ultimately brought them back with a vengeance under Andrew Jackson's presidency, thus laying the foundations of the modern two-party system of the American government.

An encyclopedia unlike any other, this work focuses on lobbying, corruption, and political influence in America to inspire readers to think critically about the U.S. government and to appreciate the opportunities of citizenship. Even before the founding of the Republic, James Madison expressed the concern that special interest influence could become "adverse to the rights of other citizens [as well as] the permanent and aggregate interests of the community." In modern times, examples of lobbying scandals and corruption associated with political campaign contributions abound—and yet our political system can and does further the larger goals of American democracy. Suited for advanced high school students, undergraduates, and general readers, this set examines the three powerful forces that affect every level of government but typically operate out of public view. This three-volume work exhaustively covers the evolution and impact of lobbying, political influence, and corruption from the Colonial era to today. Volume 1 contains detailed scholarly essays on various aspects of lobbying, corruption, and political influence. Volume 2 comprises informative A–Z entries on people, events, laws, organizations, and legal decisions. The entries demonstrate the linkages among the topics but give equal attention to each as an independent influence on U.S. government and politics. Developments since 1990 and the extensive proliferation of the Internet and social media receive additional emphasis. Volume 3 contains primary documents that include executive orders, court cases, state and federal lobbying forms, and codes of conduct related to lobbying, campaign finance reform, and anti-corruption measures.

Winner of the 2003 Ohio Academy of History Outstanding Publication Award This revisionist study reevaluates the origins and foundation myths of the Faqaris and Qasimis, two rival factions that divided Egyptian society during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when Egypt was the largest province in the Ottoman Empire. In answer to the enduring mystery surrounding the factions' origins, Jane Hathaway places their emergence within the generalized crisis that the Ottoman Empire—like much of the rest of the world—suffered during the early modern period, while uncovering a symbiosis between Ottoman Egypt and Yemen that was critical to their formation. In addition, she scrutinizes the factions' foundation myths, deconstructing their tropes and symbols to reveal their connections to much older popular narratives. Drawing on parallels from a wide array of cultures, she demonstrates with striking originality how rituals such as storytelling and public processions, as well as identifying colors and emblems, could serve to reinforce factional identity.

The first edition of Alan Gibson's Understanding the Founding is widely regarded as an invaluable guide to the last century's key debates surrounding America's founding. This new edition retains all of the strengths of the original while adding a substantial new section addressing a major but previously unaddressed issue and also significantly revising Gibson's invaluable conclusion and bibliography. In the original edition, which was built upon his previous work in Interpreting the Founding, Gibson addressed four key questions: Were the Framers motivated by their economic interests? How democratic was the Framers' Constitution? Should we interpret the Founding using philosophical or strictly historical approaches? What traditions of political thought were most important to the Framers? He focused especially on the preconceptions that scholars brought to these questions, explored the deepest sources of scholars' disagreements over them, and suggested new and thoughtful lines of interpretation and inquiry. His incisive analysis brought clarity to the complex and sprawling debates and shed new light on the institutional and intellectual foundations of the American political system. Gibson has now added a path-breaking new chapter entitled "How Could They Have Done That? Founding Scholarship and the Question of Moral Responsibility," which reprises and critiques on of the most important and vexing contemporary debates on the American founding. The new chapter focuses on how the men who fought a revolution in the name of liberty and declared to the world that "all men are created equal" could have supported the institution of slavery and even owned slaves themselves, accepted the legal and social subordination of women, and been responsible for Indian removal and genocide against Native Americans. Efforts to criticize or defend the Founders on these issues now constitute a daunting body of scholarship addressing what David Brion Davis has called the "dilemmas of slaveholding revolutionaries." Gibson's astute and fair-minded analysis of this scholarship offers keen insights into how we might move toward more mature and responsible evaluations of the Founders.