Government Favouritism In Europe

This volume on Government Favouritism in Europe reunites the fieldwork of 2014-2015 in the ANTICORRP project. It is entirely based on objective indicators and offers both quantitative and qualitative assessments of the linkage between political corruption and organised crime using statistics on spending, procurement contract data and judicial data. The methodology used in the analysis of particularism of public resource distribution is applicable to any other country where procurement data can be made available and opens the door to a better understanding and control of both systemic corruption and political finance.

Corruption has an impact. It is about time that anticorruption starts having an impact, too. This is the first annual policy report of the European Seventh Framework Research Project ANTICORRP, which has started in 2012 and will continue until 2018. Based on the work of 21 different research centers and universities gathering original data, ANTICORRP offers yearly updates on the latest from corruption research, analyzing both the consequences of corruption and the impact of policies attempting to curb it. This first report offers a methodology to evaluate corruption risk and quality of government at country, region and sector level by means of corruption indicators that are sensitive to change and policy intervention. The aim of the project is to offer testable, easy to handle policies which reduce corruption risk. Corruption distorts market competition, bolsters deficits on behalf of discretionary spending, hurts real investment in public health and education, reduces tax collection, detriments the absorption rate of EU funds, and generates vulnerable employment and brain drain. This study estimates that if EU member states would all manage to control corruption at the Danish level, tax collection in Europe would increase by 323 billion Euro per year – double of the EU budget for 2013.

Favouritism is very common in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa, where it is usually referred to as "wasta" (connection). The study by Loewe et al. analyses the impact of wasta on the business climate. It presents the results of extensive empirical research conducted in Jordan providing evidence that wide-spread favouritism affects business-people in different ways. Investors with good wasta can speed up procedures, get exclusive access to services and information and even influence legislation to their advantage. In addition, entrepreneurs tend to invest their time and money in social relations rather than productive capital, because their success depends on their wasta rather than the quality of their products.The study furthermore argues that the fight against favouritism must address four factors: inform people about the negative impact of favouritism on economic development, (ii) give people incentives to stop using their wasta, (iii) delink the use of wasta in people's thinking from beloved socio-cultural norms such as loyalty and solidarity and (iv) reform Jordan's administrative and political system, which lacks transparency and accountability on all levels.

The volume includes comparative and comprehensive discussions on anti-corruption policies of governments and anti-corruption agencies across Europe. Compared to existing literature that focuses either on general and theoretical aspects related to corruption or on country-specific experiences, this volume provides an interdisciplinary and broad overview of corruption prevention policies and measures undertaken by major European member states, relying both on literature and on institutional documentation of national anti-corruption agencies, which greatly contribute to shaping anti-corruption policy directions. In so doing, it advances the existing theoretical agenda of corruption studies and policies, situating it within wider disciplinary fields. This volume is especially concerned with the interrelationship between good administration, integrity, ethical behaviour and corruption; the role of transparency and digitalisation in preventing corruption and ensuring rights, efficiency and impartiality in the public administration; the measurement of corruption, with specific reference to preventative measures and indicators of administrative anti-corruption efforts; big data, block chains, and artificial intelligence; public management codes of ethics, performance targets and skills, and their role in tackling and preventing corruption; and public procurement, transparency and anti-bribery measures in the European public procurement system. This volume is of interest to graduate students and researchers in political sociology, political science, European corruption law, international relations, public policy, and social statistics.

This book, through an analysis of 49,355 high value public procurement contracts awarded between 2004 and 2011, provides systematic evidence on favoritism in public procurement in Turkey. Public procurement is one of the main areas where the government and the private sector interact extensively and is thus open to favoritism and corruption. In Turkey, the new Public Procurement Law, which was drafted with the pull of the EU-IMF-WB nexus, has been amended more than 150 times by the AKP government. In addition to examining favoritism, this book also demonstrates how the legal amendments have increased the use of less competitive procurement methods and discretion in awarding contracts. The results reveal that the AKP majority government has used public procurement as an influential tool both to increase its electoral success, build its own elites and finance politics. The use of public procurement for rent creation and distribution is found to be particularly extensive in the construction and the services sector through the TOKİ projects and the Municipal procurements.

Recent research demonstrates that the quality of public institutions are crucial for a number of important environmental, social, economic, and political outcomes, and thereby human well-being. The Quality of Government (QoG) approach directs attention to issues such as impartiality in theexercise of public power, professionalism in public service delivery, effective measures against corruption, and meritocracy instead of patronage and nepotism in the hiring of public sector employees.This handbook offer a comprehensive, state of the art overview of this rapidly expanding research field and also identifies viable avenues for future research. The initial chapters focus on theoretical approaches and debates, and the central question of how QoG can be measured. The remainingchapters examine the wealth of empirical research on how QoG relates to democratization, social cohesion, ethnic diversity, human wellbeing, democratic accountability, economic growth, political legitimacy, environmental sustainability, gender quality, and the outbreak of civil conflicts. Thesechapters bring evidence to bear to examine, for example, questions of the effect of QoG on subjective well-being (i.e. happiness), social trust and inequality. A third set of chapters turns to the perennial issue of which contextual factors and policy approaches, both national, local andinternational, have proven successful (and not so successful) for increasing QoG.The Quality of Government approach both challenges and complements important strands of inquiry in the social sciences. For research about democratization, QoG adds the importance of taking state capacity into account. For economics, the QoG approach shows that in order to produce economicprosperity, markets need to be embedded in institutions with a certain set of qualities. For development studies, QoG emphasizes that issues about corruption are integral to understanding development writ large.

Reforms spurred by accession to the European Union (EU) boosted productivity and integrated Romania into the EU economic space. Gross domestic product per capita rose from 30 percent of the EU average in 1995 to 59 percent in 2016. Today, over 70 percent of the country’s exports go to the EU, and their technological complexity is increasing rapidly. Yet, Romania remains the country in the EU with by far the largest share of poor people, with over a quarter of the population living on less than $5.50 a day. There are widening disparities in economic opportunity and poverty across regions and between urban and rural areas. Although Bucharest has already exceeded the EU average income per capita, and many secondary cities are becoming hubs of prosperity and innovation, Romania remains one of the least urbanized countries in the EU. Access to public services remains constrained for many citizens, particularly in rural areas, and there is a large infrastructure gap, which is a drag on the international competitiveness of the more dynamic areas of Romania while limiting economic opportunities in lagging and rural areas. Growth is constrained by weak commitment to policy implementation, creating a poor business environment and misallocation of resources to politically connected firms. Equal opportunities are constrained by weak local service delivery and an inability to ensure sufficient local funding due to patronage-based politics. And resilience to natural disasters and climate change is constrained by lack of coordination between central and local authorities. As argued in this report, Romania has no choice but to address these institutional challenges if it is to sustain the impressive growth performance of recent years, share prosperity among all of its citizens, and improve its resilience to natural hazards.

The role of the European Union (EU) in Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) and its ‘near abroad’ has attracted much scholarly attention over the past few years. Notwithstanding the successes of the EU’s eastwards enlargement, the ‘transformative power’ of the EU in the region has often been called into question, both in terms of its depth and longevity. This book addresses a number of key questions: What determines EU performance in post-communist Europe? What are the conditions that influence it? How does the projection of EU power differ between its enlargement policy and the European Neighbourhood policy? To answer these questions this volume brings together a wide range of case studies, based on different approaches and methods, but with a single analytical focus on ‘performance’. The book’s coverage and focus will be of interest to academics, practitioners and students interested in the EU, CEECs, pre- and post-enlargement studies and more widely to those interested in the international relations and the governance of wider Eastern Europe. The chapters of this book were originally published as a special issue of East European Politics.