How To Beat The Democrats And Other Subversive Ideas

Behind all the bipartisanship, dimpled-chad Democrats are sharpening their knives for 2002. But David Horowitzwhose Art of Political War helped put George W. Bush in the White Houseis back with an indispensable manual for wartime politics. If the Democrats thought wed forget who demoralized our military, eviscerated the CIA, and let America become a playground for terrorists, theyre in for a rude awakening. How to Beat the Democrats makes sure it wont be politics as usual in 2002.For Democrats, politics is permanent war. Every conflict is a contest for power, every battle is about burying their enemiesRepublicans. With racial shakedown artists and intolerant progressives rearing their heads at homeand terrorists striking at us from abroadHorowitzs uncompromising and principled commitment to freedom is more needed than ever.Horowitzs opening salvo shows why the Democrats cant be trusted with the nations security. For years, the party has subordinated sound defense policy to a radical ideology untamed even by September 11. Horowitzs unmatched strategic powers are on full display in his enumeration of the principles for a winning political campaign, which he then applies to the specific issues that will shape the 2002 election. Returning to the subject of war, he concludes with an exposi of the anti-American escapades of Noam Chomsky and his comrades of the unrepentant left.In How to Beat the Democrats, youll learn: The four fundamental principles of politics Six lessons from the near-heist of the 2000 election Democratic plans for revenge in 2002 Horowitzs bold strategy for GOP victory How the left still tries to undermine American defense

Examines the influence of rich and powerful left-wing organizations and politicians, drawing connections between the Obama administration and progressive groups to explore what the authors believe to be socialist agendas behind hot-button issues.

One of "our most insightful social observers"* cracks the great political mystery of our time: how conservatism, once a marker of class privilege, became the creed of millions of ordinary Americans With his acclaimed wit and acuity, Thomas Frank turns his eye on what he calls the "thirty-year backlash"—the populist revolt against a supposedly liberal establishment. The high point of that backlash is the Republican Party's success in building the most unnatural of alliances: between blue-collar Midwesterners and Wall Street business interests, workers and bosses, populists and right-wingers. In asking "what 's the matter with Kansas?"—how a place famous for its radicalism became one of the most conservative states in the union—Frank, a native Kansan and onetime Republican, seeks to answer some broader American riddles: Why do so many of us vote against our economic interests? Where's the outrage at corporate manipulators? And whatever happened to middle-American progressivism? The questions are urgent as well as provocative. Frank answers them by examining pop conservatism—the bestsellers, the radio talk shows, the vicious political combat—and showing how our long culture wars have left us with an electorate far more concerned with their leaders' "values" and down-home qualities than with their stands on hard questions of policy. A brilliant analysis—and funny to boot—What's the Matter with Kansas? presents a critical assessment of who we are, while telling a remarkable story of how a group of frat boys, lawyers, and CEOs came to convince a nation that they spoke on behalf of the People. *Los Angeles Times

On the morning of September 11, 2001, 19 terrorists hijacked four commercial aircraft and crashed two of them into the North and South Towers of the World Trade Center complex in New York City. A third plane crashed into the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia. After learning about the other attacks, passengers on the fourth hijacked plane, Flight 93, fought back, and the plane was crashed into an empty field in western Pennsylvania about 20 minutes by air from Washington, D.C. The Twin Towers ultimately collapsed, due to the damage from the impacts and subsequent fires. Nearly 3,000 people were killed from 93 different countries. It was the worst attack on American soil since the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941. A detailed account of these events—plus the history that led up to them, and America's response—can be found in 9/11: The Attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

Already tired of the left-wing media spin on the 2008 elections? Had enough of Democratic talking heads hyping tax increases and the global warming scare? Looking for an island of straight-talking sanity in today's swamp of multi-cultiliberal gibberish? Look no further. Mark Smith continues his crusade against the lunatic Left with this new edition of The Official Handbook of the Vast Right-Wing Conspiracy. Right on time for the 2008 elections, this book shows you how to shoot down the latest liberal rants for bigger government, a cowardly foreign policy, and depraved social values. Why stay silent in the face of so many leftist lies? Grab a copy of The Handbook and you'll be ready to wade into a San Francisco cocktail party, a Grateful Dead reunion concert, or an Ivy League classroom and take on liberals on their home turf.

Shifting attention away from policy achievements and effects on democracy, this book focuses on the charismatic function of populist discourse – comprising antagonistic narratives, transgressive style and appeals to the common people. The book puts forward an integrative approach that brings together discourse analysis, analysis of digital media, in-depth interviews and ethnographic methods, and places into comparative perspective the cases of SYRIZA in Greece and Donald Trump in the United States. Theorising populism through the lens of collective identification, Venizelos places the rhetorical and emotional dynamics of populist performativity at the core of the analysis, offering a rigorous yet flexible conceptulisation of populism in power. Against theoretical expectations, findings suggest that both SYRIZA and Trump retained, to different degrees, their populist character in power, although their style and vision differed vastly. This book urges researchers, journalists and politicians to adopt a reflexive approach to analysing the political implications of populism for politics, polity and society, and to challenge the normatively charged definitions that are uncritically reproduced in the public sphere. It will appeal to researchers of political theory, populism, comparative politics, sociologists and ethnographers.

"I make no apologies for my present position. My values have not changed, but my sense of what supports them and makes them possible has. It was what I thought was the humanity of the Marxist idea that made me what I was; it is the inhumanity of what I have seen to be the Marxist reality that has made me what I am."--David Horowitz.

Party of Defeat is a well-documented and disturbing account of the unprecedented attacks by leaders of the Democratic Party on a war they supported and then turned their backs on. In a democracy, criticism of war policy is legitimate and necessary. But deliberate undermining of a war policy, the authors urge, is another matter entirely. Every American concerned about the future of their country in the war on terror should consider the arguments in this book. -- [Blurb signed by] Senators Jim Bunning, Tom Coburn, James Inhofe, Jon Kyl, Jeff Sessions, Rick Santorum; Representatives Ginny Brown-Waite, Howard Coble, David Dreier, Peter Hoekstra, Peter King, Howard Buck McKeon, Mike Pence, Ed Royce, Jim Saxton, John Shadegg, Lamar Smith, Mark Souder, Tome Tancredo; committees represented: Intelligence, Foreign Affairs, International Relations, Homeland Security, Judiciary.