Integrating The Sixties

Each essay in this volume sheds light on an important aspect of the decade&—actually a decade and half&—known as the Sixties. The Sixties are famous for the diverse social movements that threatened the essence of American public policy and mainstream society and changed those very entities in fundamental ways. These essays juxtapose the dramatic narratives of social movements, including civil rights, women's liberation, and antiwar protest, and the Cold War liberalism that spawned them. The contributors are two political scientists, several historians influenced by the social sciences, and the senior staff attorney for the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund. Contributors are Brian Balogh, Hugh He&člo, Martha Derthick, Daryl Michael Scott, W. J. Rorabaugh, Martha F. Davis, and Louis Galambos.

Privileging Indigenous voices and experiences, Intimate Integration documents the rise and fall of North American transracial adoption projects, including the Adopt Indian and M?tis Project and the Indian Adoption Project. The author argues that the integration of adopted Indian and M?tis children mirrored the new direction in post-war Indian policy and welfare services. She illustrates how the removal of Indigenous children from Indigenous families and communities took on increasing political and social urgency, contributing to what we now call the "Sixties Scoop." Intimate Integration utilizes an Indigenous gender analysis to identify the gendered operation of the federal Indian Act and its contribution to Indigenous child removal, over-representation in provincial child welfare systems, and transracial adoption. Specifically, women and children's involuntary enfranchisement through marriage, as laid out in the Indian Act, undermined Indigenous gender and kinship relationships. Making profound contributions to the history of settler-colonialism in Canada, Intimate Integration sheds light on the complex reasons behind persistent social inequalities in child welfare.

Privileging Indigenous voices and experiences, Intimate Integration documents the rise and fall of North American transracial adoption projects, including the Adopt Indian and Métis Project and the Indian Adoption Project. Allyson D. Stevenson argues that the integration of adopted Indian and Métis children mirrored the new direction in post-war Indian policy and welfare services. She illustrates how the removal of Indigenous children from their families and communities took on increasing political and social urgency, contributing to what we now call the "Sixties Scoop." Making profound contributions to the history of settler colonialism in Canada, Intimate Integration sheds light on the complex reasons behind persistent social inequalities in child welfare.

"A new philosophy of organizing is afoot in the land. It works with, as well as opposing, City Hall. It forms ongoing relationships. It takes the long view. It works from the bottom up. It deliberates about ends and means. It crafts voluntary agreements. It fosters common work. After reading this book, you think, 'Maybe we are entering a new era of citizen activism and self-government.' We've learned. I recommend this book to any activist, and to anyone who wants to understand activism in America."—Jane Mansbridge, Adams Professor of Political Leadership and Democratic Values, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University "This book is an extraordinarily useful and comprehensive account of the wave of renewal that is occurring in the United States today. . . . Americans should read this excellent book."—John Gardner, founder of Common Cause and former U.S. Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare "Civic Innovation in America by Carmen Sirianni and Lewis Friedland is a wonderful book, rich in insights and stories of the growth of civic learning, dazzling in its facility with issues of contemporary democratic and social theory. It is also a book of democratic hope. As the authors weave together an account of the steady accumulation of learning that has developed over the last generation, they also help to give this growing movement depth and visibility and self-consciousness. Civic Innovation in America not only chronicles the broad and diverse stirrings of a movement for democratic revitalization, it aids in bringing the movement into being. It could not come at a more crucial time."—Harry Boyte, Co-Director, Center for Democracy and Citizenship, University of Minnesota "This book offers a fresh, innovative approach to social movements, especially with its focus on the emergence of partnership strategies (as distinct from more purely adversarial strategies). The book reminds us of the importance of designing public policies that build civic capacity. There is important and insightful information here for scholars, agency professionals, and community activists alike."—Anne Schneider, Dean of the College of Public Programs at Arizona State University "Civic Innovation in America is a remarkably detailed catalog of major efforts at civic renewal in health, the environment, journalism, and community organizing—taking place in scores of cities and towns around the country in the past 20 years. Yes—vital, innovative, in-the-trenches civic work in the midst of the Reagan-Bush-New-Democrat era. To document these efforts and to persuasively show in them common origins, common patterns, and common problems is a civic achievement in itself. Sirianni and Friedland not only describe important social change but contribute to it."—Michael Schudson, Professor of Communication, University of California, San Diego

In late twentieth-century America, the black middle class has occupied a unique position. It greatly influenced the way African Americans were perceived and presented to the greater society, and it set roles and guidelines for the nation's black masses. Though historically a small group, it has attempted to be a model for inspiration and uplift. As a key force in the "Africanizing" of American culture, the black middle class has been both a shaper and a mirror during the past three decades. This study of that era shows that the fruits of integration have been at once sweet and bitter. This history of a pivotal group in American society will cause reflection, discussion, and debate.

THIS work is a meeting of the minds. People of different political and ideological beliefs articulate their positions on the question of race in the United States that has bedeviled the nation since its founding. Conservatives, liberals and independents as well as those who don't have any political affiliation or ideological positions exchange views, debate, offer suggestions and provide solutions to race problems facing the United States. There are those who contend that the United States does not have a race problem. It is individuals who have problems and they are the ones who complain about racism blaming society for their own failures in life. Their problems have nothing to do with race. Then there are those who say the United States has a race problem but it is not a major one as it once was. Others contend that racism is one of the biggest and most urgent problems facing the nation. Immigrants from all parts of the world also express their views and beliefs from different political and ideological perspectives on a subject that has divided the nation and continues to be one of the most contentious in the history of the country. There are immigrants who don't see racism as a major problem in the United States even if they admit it exists. There are those who agree with many Americans that racism still exists and it is a major problem. Although immigrants, they also offer solutions to a problem that, from their own experience, is a major one and should be addressed to achieve racial equality. White nationalists also take part in the discussions on race, exchanging views with conservatives, liberals, independents and immigrants. They explain their position and offer solutions to the race question, some of which don't differ much from the solutions proposed by some people who would be considered to be an integral part of the mainstream and not on the fringes of the American society. There is no consensus on the final solution to the race problem, or an answer to the race question, in the United States. But there is some agreement on some race issues that cuts across racial and ideological lines, for example, with some black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean articulating positions that are in conformity with the positions of those who are in the conservative movement, contrary to what most black Americans believe. Other immigrants, including black ones, are squarely within the liberal tradition of the Democratic party. And there are those who don't embrace Republican or Democratic positions but take an independent position on race matters that is also different from the position taken by independents in the American political mainstream. The race question may be far from being resolved. But the views, proposals ans solutions presented in this book may help to point in the right direction toward a final solution to the problem that the United States has faced since slavery.

David Burner's panoramic history of the 1960s conveys the ferocity of debate and the testing of visionary hopes that still require us to make sense of the decade. He begins with the civil rights and black power movements and then turns to nuanced descriptions of Kennedy and the Cold War, the counterculture and its antecedents in the Beat Generation, the student rebellion, the poverty wars, and the liberals' war in Vietnam. As he considers each topic, Burner advances a provocative argument about how liberalism self-destructed in the 1960s. In his view, the civil rights movement took a wrong turn as it gradually came to emphasize the identity politics of race and ethnicity at the expense of the vastly more important politics of class and distribution of wealth. The expansion of the Vietnam War did force radicals to confront the most terrible mistake of American liberalism, but that they also turned against the social goals of the New Deal was destructive to all concerned. Liberals seemed to rule in politics and in the media, Burner points out, yet they failed to make adequate use of their power to advance the purposes that both liberalism and the left endorsed. And forces for social amelioration splintered into pairs of enemies, such as integrationists and black separatists, the social left and mainline liberalism, and advocates of peace and supporters of a totalitarian Hanoi. Making Peace with the 60s will fascinate baby boomers and their elders, who either joined, denounced, or tried to ignore the counterculture. It will also inform a broad audience of younger people about the famous political and literary figures of the time, the salient moments, and, above all, the powerful ideas that spawned events from the civil rights era to the Vietnam War. Finally, it will help to explain why Americans failed to make full use of the energies unleashed by one of the most remarkable decades of our history.

The first years of the 90s have witnessed thorough political and economic changes in northern Europe. The long period of strong political separation between east and west and the less strong economic separation between the northern and southern sides of the Baltic Sea seemed to be replaced by far-reaching integration. There is no doubt that further integration will have additional impacts on the regional patterns in northern Europe. The amplitude and composition of these changes are difficult to project. In this volume a number of scholars in regional science and related disciplines (geography, economics, environmental and political sciences, planning) have brought together important material on the current processes that reshapes northern Europe. Visions andstrategies on local, national and supranational levels are penetrated in depth. A "mosaic" vision of the regional development pattern emerges highlighting the importance of cooperative and competitive strategies affecting the local conditions of European regions.