Journals Of The House Of Representatives 1785 1786

Some vols. include supplemental journals of "such proceedings of the sessions, as, during the time they were depending, were ordered to be kept secret, and respecting which the injunction of secrecy was afterwards taken off by the order of the House."

The concluding volume of a prestigious documentary edition; This, the sixteenth and final volume of The Papers of Henry Laurens, covers the last ten years of the statesman's life. During this period, Henry Laurens spent a hectic twenty-two months as a peace commissioner traveling between Paris and London, conferring with British ministers and his colleagues on the peace commission. At the same time, Laurens was coping with the grief of losing his eldest son, John Laurens, in battle, family conflicts over a proposed marriage between his elder daughter and a French fortune hunter, and his own poor health. This mixture of public and private concerns continued throughout his stay in Europe, as the commissioners attempted to negotiate a final peace treaty and a trade agreement with former allies and foes. In January 1785, Laurens returned to South Carolina, where he devoted the remainder of his life to personal affairs. Despite encouragement to return to public service, Laurens remained a private citizen with an active interest in the progress of his state, In his later years he recommended an end to the importation of slaves and diversification of the economy. Laurens died on December

This book describes the turbulent transformation of South Carolina from a colony rent by sectional conflict into a state dominated by the South's most unified and politically powerful planter leadership. Rachel Klein unravels the sources of conflict and growing unity, showing how a deep commitment to slavery enabled leaders from both low- and backcountry to define the terms of political and ideological compromise. The spread of cotton into the backcountry, often invoked as the reason for South Carolina's political unification, actually concluded a complex struggle for power and legitimacy. Beginning with the Regulator Uprising of the 1760s, Klein demonstrates how backcountry leaders both gained authority among yeoman constituents and assumed a powerful role within state government. By defining slavery as the natural extension of familial inequality, backcountry ministers strengthened the planter class. At the same time, evangelical religion, like the backcountry's dominant political language, expressed yet contained the persisting tensions between planters and yeomen. Klein weaves social, political, and religious history into a formidable account of planter class formation and southern frontier development.

"Brooke M. Bauer's 'Becoming Catawba: Catawba Women and Nation-Building, 1540-1840' is the first book-length study of the role Catawba women played in creating and preserving a cohesive tribal identity over three centuries of colonization and cultural turmoil. Emerging from distinct ancestral groups who shared a family of languages and lived in the Piedmont region of what would become the Carolinas, the Yę Iswą-the People of the River, or Catawba-coalesced over centuries of catastrophic disruption and traumatic adaptation into, first, a confederacy of Piedmont Indians and eventually the Catawba nation. Bauer, a member of the Catawba Indian Nation of South Carolina, employs the Catawba language and traditions in conjunction with a diverse array of historical materials and archaeological data to explore Catawba history from within, where matrilineal kinship systems, land use customs, and pottery informed women's traditional authority in coalition with their male counterparts. 'Becoming Catawba' examines the lives and legacies of women who executed complex decision-making and diplomacy to navigate shifting frameworks of kinship, land ownership, and cultural production in dealings with colonial encroachments, white settlers, and Euro-American legal systems and governments from the mid-sixteenth century to the early nineteenth century. Personified in the figure of Sally New River, a Catawba leader to whom 500 remaining acres of occupied tribal lands were deeded on behalf of the community in 1796 and which she managed until her death in 1821, Bauer reveals how women worked to ensure the survival of the Catawba people and their Catawba identity, an effort that resulted in a unified nation. Bauer's approach is primarily ethnohistorical, although it draws on a number of interdisciplinary strategies. In particular, Bauer uses 'upstreaming,' a critical strategy that moves towards the period under study by using present-day community members' connections to historical knowledge-for example, family histories and oral traditions-to interpret primary-source data. Additionally, Bauer employs archaeological data and material culture as a means of performing feminist recuperation, filling the gaps and silences left by the records, newspapers, and historical accounts as primarily written by and for white men. This strategy functions in tandem with Bauer's use of the Catawba language to provide a window into Catawba identity, politics, and worldviews, and thus to decolonize Southern history. Both approaches work to decenter the experiences of the mostly male, mostly white people who dominate the histories of the period under study, allowing Bauer to foreground the concerns of Catawba women and their foremothers in the history of the region. Existing histories of the Catawba-and the Southeastern Indians in general-tend not to discuss women much at all, focusing instead on the traditionally male-dominated political and military interactions between Native men and European colonizers. Although there are book-length archaeological studies of the Catawba that engage with women's roles and activities, none of these assign agency or operate within a temporal frame as broad as Bauer's. The historical scope of 'Becoming Catawba' allows Bauer to demonstrate the evolving tensions between cultural change and continuity that the Catawba were forced to navigate, and to bring greater nuance to the examination of the shifting relationship between gender and power that lies at the core of the book. Ultimately, 'Becoming Catawba' effects a welcome intervention at the intersections of Native, women's, and Southern history, expanding the diversity and modes of experience in the fraught, multifaceted cultural environment of the early American South"--

The early Supreme Court justices wrestled with how much press and speech is protected by freedoms of press and speech, before and under the First Amendment, and with whether the Sedition Act of 1798 violated those freedoms. This book discusses the twelve Supreme Court justices before John Marshall, their views of liberties of press and speech, and the Sedition Act prosecutions over which some of them presided. The book begins with the views of the pre-Marshall justices about freedoms of press and speech, before the struggle over the Sedition Act. It finds that their understanding was strikingly more expansive than the narrow definition of Sir William Blackstone, which is usually assumed to have dominated the period. Not one justice of the Supreme Court adopted that narrow definition before 1798, and all expressed strong commitments to those freedoms. The book then discusses the views of the early Supreme Court justices about freedoms of press and speech during the national controversy over the Sedition Act of 1798 and its constitutionality. It finds that, though several of the justices presided over Sedition Act trials, the early justices divided almost evenly over that issue with an unrecognized half opposing its constitutionality, rather than unanimously supporting the Act as is generally assumed. The book similarly reassesses the Federalist party itself, and finds that an unrecognized minority also challenged the constitutionality of the Sedition Act and the narrow Blackstone approach during 1798-1801, and that an unrecognized minority of the other states did as well in considering the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. The book summarizes the recognized fourteen prosecutions of newspaper editors and other opposition members under the Sedition Act of 1798. It sheds new light on the recognized cases by identifying and confirming twenty-two additional Sedition Act prosecutions. At each of these steps, this book challenges conventional views in existing histories of the early republic and of the early Supreme Court justices.

Seldom has American law seen a more towering figure than "the great Chief Justice," John Marshall. Yet even while acknowledging the indelible stamp Marshall put on the Supreme Court, it is possible - in fact necessary - to examine the pre-Marshall Court, and its justices, to gain a true understanding of the origins of American constitutionalism. The ten essays in this tightly edited volume were especially commissioned for the book, each by the leading authority on their particular subject. The result is a window onto the origins of the most powerful court in the world, and onto American constitutionalism itself.