Malaysia Post Mahathir A Decade Of Change

What is the future of Malaysia’s former dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation or UMNO? With the loss of government in the May 2018 General Election (GE14) after 61 years in government, the party faces a different, more uncertain future. It is grappling with its new role in the national political opposition and continued questions about the leadership of former prime minister Najib Tun Razak. This collection is an expanded edition of the original 2016, The End of UMNO? It includes the original five essays (including the foreword by current Foreign Minister in the Pakatan Harapan government and former UMNO Supreme Council member Saifuddin Abdullah), as well as new post-GE14 epilogue essays by each of the contributors – John Funston, Clive Kessler, James Chin and Bridget Welsh, all prominent and established scholars studying Malaysian politics. It also includes a new foreword by veteran UMNO leader, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who contested for the party presidency in the June 2018 party elections. The contributors in this collection study developments in Malaysia’s dominant party, the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and discuss the question of whether UMNO is in fact at an end. The answers to its future lie in part with a better understanding of its past and present. The authors draw attention to issues of party identity, leadership, membership, governance, institutional change, party financing, internal divisions and its relations with different communities and the public at large. The new and expanded edition draws attention to the factors that contributed to UMNO’s loss of government in GE14 and potential steps ahead. Not only does this book fill an important gap in the scholarly research on UMNO, this book offers different perspectives on the party’s contemporary challenges. This book aims to contribute to understanding, broaden public debate and stimulate further research on arguably one of Malaysia’s most important political institutions.

This book examines the national automotive policy in Malaysia to help readers gain an understanding of the country’s industrial policy-making processes. Addressing a gap in analysis of the political economy of the national automotive policy, the research presented combines the new institutional theory and the developmental state approach to provide new insights into elite policymakers’ measures to shield domestic automotive enterprises from pro-market reforms. The formation of the national car project marks a turning point for Malaysia's industrial development as a country, which it envisions will lead to it becoming a major player in the global automotive market. However, the domestic institutional factors embedded in ethno-economic interests and patronage constrain national car-makers, limiting their potential to grow, and instead causing a slowdown in the industry. Allowing readers to understand the background to Malaysia’s heavy industrialisation programme and the birth of its national car projects, this book critically discusses the significance of institutional context in policy outcomes, and highlights how institutions and policies have impact growth or decline. It is a valuable resource relevant to analysts, researchers and students who are interested in the political economy of the national industrial policy and automotive industry in Malaysia and beyond.

The victory of the Pakatan Harapan (PH), or the Alliance of Hope on May 9, 2018 in the Malaysian 14th General Election (GE14) was not just stunning, but historic. Moreover, the second comeback of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad as the seventh Prime Minister of Malaysia was indeed impressive. The results of the GE14 were clearly against the tide as many political pundits and analysts had predicted a win for the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition with differences only in matters of margins. Similar to Malaysia’s 13th General Election (GE13), which was held on May 5, 2013, the main issue in the GE14 was also about the economy. The rise in cost of living was perhaps the mother of all issues which caused the downfall of the BN government for the first time since independence. Other crucial economic issues centered on alleged corruption practices and manifested through the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) saga. As a new federal power for 22 months, the PH government had a daunting task not just to address economic issues mentioned above, but also the other alleged economic problems which they had highlighted in their election manifesto. On top of that, the PH government had the responsibility to maintain, if not to improve further what the BN government had done to the Malaysian economy in the past, of which World Bank economists described as a success story, “a very strong economy” and “growing towards a high-income.” Post-GE14, what is the state of the Malaysian economy and its direction? What are lessons that can be learned from the PH economic management? And with the Perikatan Nasional (PN) government succeeding the federal power in March 2020 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic, what are the pressing issues and what needs to be done moving forward especially in the context of the economic challenges arising from the pandemic and post-Covid-19 era? These are some critical questions which this book is trying to address. The book essentially argues for the need to give greater focus to economic issues above anything else by envisioning a new national vision and engineering a new wave of economic structural reforms primarily based on insights from the vast Malaysian economic history lessons

The planned retirement in October 2003 of Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia since July 1981, has occasioned many instant assessments of the Mahathir legacy. In contrast, this book takes a hard look at the long-term social transformation behind the dramatic politics of the Mahathir era. It ranges over issues of political economy, ideology, interethnic relations, the challenge of Islam and the complexities of leadership transition. Khoo Boo Teik explains how the Mahathir regimes's mid-1990's Asian values triumphalism was replaced by the turn-of-the-millenium pessimism and the spectre of a second Malay dilemma. He aims to bring to life Mahathir's predicaments, the contradictions in Anwar Ibrahim's chequered career, and the cultural imperatives behind the historic rise of the Alternative Front's rainbow coalition. The result is an informed lay reader's guide to the momentous, disturbing and even inspiring events which overturned easy assumptions about ethnic politics in Malaysia, tested the regime's economic management, revealed the vitality of cultural revolt, and raised fundamental questions about the directions of the country post-Mahathir.

Sexuality, religion and faith often have complex and conflicting interactions, on both personal and societal levels. Numerous studies have been conducted on queer subjects, but they have predominantly focused on ‘Western’ expressions of faith and queer identities. This book contributes to the wider scholarship on queer subjects by drawing on actual lived experiences of self-identifying gay and bisexual men in Malaysia. It discusses what we can learn from the realities of their lives that intersect with their religious, spiritual, theological or humanistic values in an Asian context. Analysed within the critical frameworks of queer theory and queer sexual theology, this study divulges the meanings ascribed to sexual identities and practices, as well as conceptualisations of masculinity, sexual desire, love and intimate physical connections. It also lays bare the complex negotiations between gender, desire and spirit, and how they can affect one another. Tying fascinating case studies and underexplored Asian theologies with wider conversations around sexuality and faith, this book will be of significant interest to scholars working in religious studies, theology, queer studies, sexuality studies and Asian studies.

Malaysia is one of the most intriguing countries in Asia in many respects. It consists of several distinct areas, not only geographically but ethnically as well; along with Malays and related groups, the country has a very large Indian and Chinese population. The spoken languages obviously vary at home, although Bahasa Malaysia is the official language and nearly everyone speaks English. There is also a mixture of religions, with Islam predominating among the Malays and others, Hinduism and Sikhism among the Indians, mainly Daoism and Confucianism among the Chinese, but also some Christians as well as older indigenous beliefs in certain places. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Malaysia contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 500 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Malaysia.

Drawing on insights from differentiation theory, this book examines the participation of middle powers in multilateralism. Taking Australia, Indonesia and South Korea as examples, the book examines these countries’ roles in regional organizations, and particularly during the creation of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and East Asia Summit. Through its analysis, the book argues that middle powers pursue dilution of major power stratificatory forces, as well as functionally differentiated roles for themselves in multilateral diplomacy. The book sets out a valuable new framework to explain and understand the behaviour of middle powers in multilateralism.