Nationalism In Late And Post Communist Europe

The breakdown of the Communist party rule was accompanied by an unexpected renaissance of nationalism and secessionism. Of the nine Communist states, only five nation states have survived. Whereas the German Democratic Republic became unified with the Federal Republic of Germany, the three multinational states dissolved into 16 hybrid ethno-national states and two states of federated nations. The latter remain imperiled in their territorial integrity. In all countries, state and ethnic nationalism combine in peculiar ways, which leaves room for sub-national stateness and various other forms of ethnic and national heterogeneity. In this volume, experts describe the unfolding of nationalism in each of the post-Communist states during the period of upheaval from 1985 to 1995. First, the relationship of the titular ethnic group with its own ethnic nationalism is discussed, as well as the nationalism that refers to the whole state including the minorities. This relationship influences the way the states treat the minorities, which often aim for sub-stateness or at least for representation through a political party organization.

The breakdown of the Communist party rule was accompanied by an unexpected renaissance of nationalism and secessionism. Of the nine Communist states, only five nation states have survived. Whereas the German Democratic Republic became unified with the Federal Republic of Germany, the three multinational states dissolved into 16 hybrid ethno-national states and two states of federated nations. The latter remain imperiled in their territorial integrity. In all countries, state and ethnic nationalism combine in peculiar ways, which leaves room for sub-national stateness and various other forms of ethnic and national heterogeneity. In this volume, experts describe the unfolding of nationalism in each of the post-Communist states during the period of upheaval from 1985 to 1995. First, the relationship of the titular ethnic group with its own ethnic nationalism is discussed, as well as the nationalism that refers to the whole state including the minorities. This relationship influences the way the states treat the minorities, which often aim for sub-stateness or at least for representation through a political party organization.

The age of nationalism has often been declared a bygone era. But it is by far not at its end. In the years 1990-1993, more nation states than ever before came into being within a short period of time - 15 hybrid ethno-national states and three fragile states of federated nations. Since then, of the latter, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia fell apart and the other two are imperiled by ethno-national movements. State and ethnic nationalism have combined in each country in curious forms, allowing for a gradual national consciousness, which aims at multinational federalism or national autonomy as an alternative to national secession. In this volume, authors from the East and the West discuss the results of many years of research on nationalism, as well as the new approaches to the understanding of a nation. In addition, the failure of the multinational states - the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, the partial national state German Democratic Republic, and presumably also Bosnia and Herzegovina - are analyzed. After the breakdown of the multinational states and the polyethnic empires some decades ago, the question is raised: Will an integrated European Union succeed in finding an adequate answer to nationalism and the nationalities problem?

Drawing on lessons from post-communist Europe, this book provides a summary of the practical wisdom learned in the management of ethnic conflicts from the Balkans to Chechnya. Grounded in empirical - mostly comparative - research, the essays go beyond theoretical postulates and normative ideals and acknowledge the considerable experience that exists within the post-communist world on ethnic conflict, nation and state building. What does the post-communist experience have in common with other nationalisms and nation-related conflicts, and what, if anything, is unique about it? This book, written by academics with experience as policy advisors, is strongly policy-oriented. The primordial type hypotheses of ethnic social capital and ancient hatreds are tested on the basis of public opinion surveys on nationalism and ethnic cohabitation in various countries in east-central Europe. Power-sharing arrangements in the Balkans, the small separatist Republics of the post-Soviet world as well as ethno-federalism from the former Yugoslavia to the former Soviet Empire are discussed in the respective chapters.

In the aftermath of the collapse of communism, the future of Eastern Europe is uncertain. After suffering for decades under totalitarian regimes, the people of the region are struggling to rediscover their cultural past and to establish political arrangements that will enable them to achieve peace and prosperity. The resurgence of nationalism accompanying these developments is powerful evidence of the need to reestablish a strong sense of identity but is also potentially the greatest obstacle to peace in the region. The Bloody Flag is a timely study of nationalism's dual nature. Focusing on Romania, Pilon analyzes the unifying and destructive capacities of nationalist passions in a period of historical transition.Designed to appeal to a wide audience, The Bloody Flag combines inquiry into the nature of nationalism with historical illustrations of its influence. The Romanian context is exemplary of many newly liberated nations facing the possibility of ethnic violence and antidemocratic resurgence. As Pilon points out, numerous representatives of the old order remain entrenched in power and there is real danger that the defeated elites will attempt to harness nationalist energies for their own ends. If they succeed, the world may witness the rise of new authoritarian regimes to replace the old communist ones.Pilon argues that the best hope for Romanians, and for all the peoples of Eastern Europe, is to embrace the positive aspects of nationalism while rejecting the negative. The political system that can allow them to do this is the classical-liberal model defended by such figures as Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek - a model that makes possible the peaceful coexistence of different nationalities by protecting the rights of individuals and leaving them free to pursue their own interests. Graced with a foreword by the eminent historian Robert Conquest, The Bloody Flag is an important contribution to the understanding of current and future events in Europe.

The Bloody Flag uses Romania as a model for examining the unifying and destructive capacities of nationalist passions in a period of historical transition.