Nato The Warsaw Pact And Africa

In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.

A comprehensive two-volume annotated bibliography of books and monographs, journal articles, government documents, documents of nongovernmental organizations, and substantive magazine and newspaper articles published since the late nineteenth century. Annotated entries contain a short abstract, a table of contents, and information on reviews. Each volume contains an author and subject index, and a periodical is included in Volume Two. Topics covered include: US Foreign Policy; Southern Africa in US-South African Relations; Nuclear Technology and Other Sectors of Trade and Economic Relations; Education Scientific and Cultural Exchanges; African Americans and South Africa; Divestment Disinvestment and Sanctions; Divestment, Disinvestment and Sanctions; Comparative Studies. This two-volume work is part of a larger project that included publication of a nearly 700-page book titled “United States Relations with South Africa: A Critical Overview from the Colonial Period to the Present” which is a critical overview of relations between the United States and South Africa going nearly as far back as the very beginning of their inception as permanent European colonial intrusions and it not only gives attention to the importance of contributions from nonofficial actors in shaping official relations, but also considers the impact of the geopolitical location of South Africa within southern Africa, where the presence of other nations - particularly Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, and Zimbabwe - looms large.

When the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings erupted in Africa, in the first two months of the year 2011, with the chant, 'the people want to bring down the regime', there was hope all over the continent that these rebellions were part of a wider African Awakening. President Ben Ali of Tunisia was forced to step down and fled to Saudi Arabia. Within a month of Ben Ali's departure, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt was removed from power by the people, who mobilised a massive revolutionary movement in the country. Four days after the ousting of Mubarak, sections of the Libyan people rebelled in Benghazi. Within days, this uprising was militarised, with armed resistance countered by declarations from the Libyan leadership vowing to use raw state power to root out the rebellion. The first Libyan demonstrations occurred on February 15, 2011, but by February 21 there were reports that innocent civilians were in imminent danger of being massacred by the army. This information was embellished by reports of the political leadership branding the rebellious forces as 'rats'.