Nazi Ideology Before 1933

This volume brings together a hitherto scattered and inaccessible body of material crucial to the understanding of the evolution of Nazi political thought. Before the publication of this volume, scholars had virtually ignored the extensive writings and programs published by leading Nazi ideologues before 1933. Barbara Miller Lane and Leila J. Rupp have collected the political writings of Nazi theorists—Dietrich Eckart, Alfred Rosenberg, Gottfried Feder, Joseph Goebbels, Gregor and Otto Strasser, Heinrich Himmler, and Richard Walther Darré—during the period before the National Socialists came to power. The Strassers are given considerable space because of their great intellectual importance within the party before 1933. In commentary by the editors, the significance of each Nazi theorist is weighed and evaluated at each stage of the history of the party. Lane and Rupp conclude that Nazi ideology, before 1933 at least, was not a consistent whole but a doctrine in the process of rapid development to which new ideas were continually introduced. By the time the Nazis came to power, however, a group of interrelated assertions and official promises had been made to party followers and to the public. Hitler and the Third Reich had to accommodate this ideology, even when not implementing it. Hitler’s role in the development of Nazi ideology, interpreted here as a very permissive one, is thoroughly assessed. His own writings, however, have been omitted since they are readily available elsewhere. The twenty-eight documents included in this book illustrate themes and phases in Nazi ideology which are discussed in the introduction and the detailed prefatory notes. Long selections, as often as possible full-length, are provided to allow the reader to follow the arguments. Each selection is accompanied by an introductory note and annotations which clarify its relationship to other works of the author and other writings of the period. Also included are original translations of the “Twenty-Five Points” and a number of little-known official party statements.

This collection of early writings by leading Nazi intellectuals sheds light on the evolution of Nazi political thought as the party came to power. Barbara Miller Lane and Leila J. Rupp bring together a crucial yet hitherto inaccessible body of material that thoroughly chronicles Nazi ideology before 1933. It includes the extensive writings and programs published by Dietrich Eckart, Alfred Rosenberg, Gottfried Feder, Joseph Goebbels, Gregor and Otto Strasser, Heinrich Himmler, and Richard Walther Darré. Hitler’s role in the development of Nazi ideology, interpreted here as a very permissive one, is thoroughly assessed. In commentary by the editors, the significance of each Nazi theorist is evaluated at each stage of the history of the party. Lane and Rupp conclude that early Nazi ideology was not a consistent whole but a doctrine in the process of rapid development to which new ideas were continually introduced. By the time the Nazis came to power, however, a group of interrelated assertions and official promises had been made to party followers and to the public. Hitler and the Third Reich had to accommodate this ideology, even when not implementing it. Each selection is accompanied by an introductory note and annotations which clarify its relationship to other works of the author and other writings of the period. Also included are original translations of the “Twenty-Five Points” and a number of little-known official party statements.

A popularly written and illustrated history of the Holocaust. Deals with all of the victims of the Nazis' genocidal campaign: communists, Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals, Poles and other Slavs, and Soviet POWs, as well as the "racial enemies" - Afro-Germans, the mentally and physically disabled, Gypsies, and Jews. Jews were regarded by the Nazis as the foremost "racial enemy". Pp. 110-156, "The Holocaust", deal specifically with the destruction of the Jews - from the first Nazi anti-Jewish measures in Germany, through the "Kristallnacht" pogrom and murders of Jews in Poland and the USSR, to the total mass murder in the death camps.

This book analyses some of the fundamental reasons for the triumph of National Socialism in 1933. Written in 1983 by historians at Canadian, American and British universities, it provides a clear and balanced historiographical perspective of the dynamics of socio-political mobilization which helped make the Machtergreifung possible. The relationship during the Weimar republic between the Nazi Party and various social groups constitutes a major element in the book, as do the attitudes towards Hitler displayed by a number of influential institutions. The Nazis’ successful mobilization of popular support before 1933 is illustrated through the impact of foreign policy and ideology/propaganda on the Germans.

'It's like being in a dream', commented Joseph Goebbels when he visited Nazi-occupied Paris in the summer of 1940. Dream and reality did indeed intermingle in the culture of the Third Reich, racialist fantasies and spectacular propaganda set-pieces contributing to this atmosphere alongside more benign cultural offerings such as performances of classical music or popular film comedies. A cultural palette that catered to the tastes of the majority helped encourage acceptance of the regime. The Third Reich was therefore eager to associate itself with comfortable middle-brow conventionality, while at the same time exploiting the latest trends that modern mass culture had to offer. And it was precisely because the culture of the Nazi period accommodated such a range of different needs and aspirations that it was so successfully able to legitimize war, imperial domination, and destruction. Moritz F�llmer turns the spotlight on this fundamental aspect of the Third Reich's successful cultural appeal in this ground-breaking new study, investigating what 'culture' meant for people in the years between 1933 and 1945: for convinced National Socialists at one end of the spectrum, via the legions of the apparently 'unpolitical', right through to anti-fascist activists, Jewish people, and other victims of the regime at the other end of the spectrum. Relating the everyday experience of people living under Nazism, he is able to give us a privileged insight into the question of why so many Germans enthusiastically embraced the regime and identified so closely with it.

The Schutzstaffel or SS was the primary organization responsible for carrying out exterminations for the Nazi hierarchy. It was a key instrument of terror used by the Nazis and came to represent organized brutality within the Third Reich. The power structure of the SS, however, was established prior to the Second World War. The SS, with Heinrich Himmler as its leader, was a dominant organization within Nazi Germany by 1936. There are many questions that surface in regard to the size and influence of the SS in 1934. How did Himmler and the SS emerge as the dominant force within the Third Reich? How was the SS able to develop into a central organization within the Nazi state? The key to answering these questions lies in the background and development of Himmler and the SS.

A sociological study of the evolution of Nazi ideology from 1919 to 1933, analyzing Nazi propaganda and election leaflets, and showing how big business and political interests manipulated public opinion and blamed social ills on the Jews. Pp. 197-222, "Ideology and Genocide, " examine "why such an irrational ideology eventually became the expression of a particular social consciousness." Concludes that the German middle classes, in economic crisis, turned to an irrational explanation for their problems - the Jewish conspiracy. This belief was essential to Nazism, and salvation was possible only by elimination of the Jews.