Nuclear Weapons After The Cold War

This title was first piblished in 2000: Christoph Bluth provides a comprehensive and timely analysis of strategic nuclear arms policy in the United States and Russia and examines the collaborative efforts to reduce nuclear weapons through arms control and render nuclear weapons and fissile materials in Russia secure. He concludes that the end of the Cold War has created new and unprecedented dangers and that these dangers require a greater political will and cooperation which have so far been lacking.

This text uses biographical techniques to test the question: did the advent of the nuclear bomb prevent World War III? It examines the careers of ten Cold War statesmen, and asks whether they viewed war, and its acceptability, differently after the advent of the bomb.

Today, former Soviet republics threaten to gain control over nuclear weapons sited on their territories, and reports on North Korea, Pakistan, India, and Iraq reveal current or recent weapon development programs. In this climate, Nuclear Proliferation after the Cold War offers a timely assessment of the prospects for nuclear nonproliferation. Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

In Learning to Love the Bomb, Sean M. Maloney explores the controversial subject of Canada's acquisition of nuclear weapons during the Cold War. Based on newly declassified Canadian and U.S. documents, it examines policy, strategy, operational, and technical matters and weaves these seemingly disparate elements into a compelling story that finally unlocks several Cold War mysteries. For example, while U.S. military forces during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis were focused on the Caribbean Sea and the southeastern United States, Canadian forces assumed responsibility for defending the northern United States, with aircraft armed with nuclear depth charges flying patrols and guarding against missile attack by Soviet submarines. This defensive strategy was a closely guarded secret because it conflicted with Canada's image as a peacekeeper and therefore a more passive member of NATO than its ally to the south. It is revealed here for the first time. The place of nuclear weapons in Canadian history has, until now, been a highly secret and misunderstood field subject to rumor, rhetoric, half-truths, and propaganda. Learning to Love the Bomb reveals the truth about Canada's role as a nuclear power.

This book offers an in-depth examination of America’s nuclear weapons policy since the end of the Cold War. Exploring nuclear forces structure, arms control, regional planning and the weapons production complex, the volume identifies competing sets of ideas about nuclear weapons and domestic political constraints on major shifts in policy. It provides a detailed analysis of the complex evolution of policy, the factors affecting policy formulation, competing understandings of the role of nuclear weapons in US national security discourse, and the likely future direction of policy. The book argues that US policy has not proceeded in a linear, rational and internally consistent direction, and that it entered a second post-Cold War phase under President George W. Bush. However, domestic political processes and lack of political and military interest in America’s nuclear forces have constrained major shifts in nuclear weapons policy. This book will be of much interest to students of US foreign policy, nuclear proliferation, strategic studies and IR in general.

With the end of the Cold War, the subject of weapons proliferation has acquired new interest and prominence. So too have questions about the nature of the world order that will succeed the structure of the last fifty years. This study explores the connections among these topics. It describes the prevailing conceptual model of nuclear proliferation, evaluates proliferation's changing technical features, considers economic and political factors bearing on its future rate and character, and speculates about proliferation's implications on the post-cold-war world order. It also considers the role of international public policy in meeting proliferation's challenges. Arguing that updated approaches are needed, the analysis emphasizes cooperative over coercive approaches to order. It concludes with an assessment of progress to date in meeting these new challenges, arguing that the new agenda is only slowly coming into focus.