Peculiar Politics

Economists typically treat government as something outside the business realm, a sort of “Lord of the Manor”. Richard Wagner argues that this is the wrong approach and can ultimately be destructive to capitalism and to society. Modern governments are a peculiar form of business enterprise. They face the same problems as regular businesses, such as ascertaining demand and organizing production, and act within the system in a way that can lead to a parasitical relationship with the market. Largely rooted in political economy, this book develops new theoretical ideas and formulations to explain why democracy is a difficult form of government to maintain. The author explores how and why limited governments can morph into a system of destructive politics, and looks at ways to escape this process. This dynamic book will be useful for public choice scholars, economists, political scientists, and lawyers who are interested in political economy in its various guises.

The First Contingent left Canada in September 1914, destined to become an integral part of the British Army. When the Canadian Corps returned in 1919, it was part of a Canadian Army, commanded by Canadians and controlled by Ottawa. That transformation reflected the real emergence of Canada from colonial status to the role of a junior but sovereign ally. In this book, Desmond Morton shows that the change was not easy and that most of the difficulties were created by Canadians themselves. He reveals that the mossiest agent of change was Canada's Minister of Militia, Sir Sam Hughes. Determined to exercise personal control over every aspect of the CEF, Hughes deliberately fostered confusion, conflict, and political intrigue in the Canadian administration in England. To overcome Hughes's failure, a full government department - the Ministry of the Overseas Military Forces of Canada - was established in London under the direction of Sir George Perley. Staffed by Canadians like Sir Richard Turner, who had earned his reputation in France, the department achieved a marked improvement in every facet of Canadian military administration in England. It formed the basis for increasingly effective control of Canadian Forces in France and also played a part in winning overwhelming support for the Union government from soldiers voting in the 1917 election. The Overseas Ministry proceed to strengthen civilian and political control without resorting to the political patronage of the Hughes era, established direct Canadian liaison with the British General Headquarters in the field, and, after 11 November, coped with the enormous and unprecedented problems of demobilization.A Peculiar Kind of Politics presents the inside story of how Canadians earned their autonomy in war through the increasing competence they displayed, not merely in action, but in their own administrative management.

Too often, Wallace Hettle points out, studies of politics in the nineteenth-century South reinforce a view of the Democratic Party that is frozen in time on the eve of Fort Sumter--a deceptively high point of white racial solidarity. Avoiding such a "Civil War synthesis," The Peculiar Democracy illuminates the link between the Jacksonian political culture that dominated antebellum debate and the notorious infighting of the Confederacy. Hettle shows that war was the greatest test of populist Democratic Party rhetoric that emphasized the shared interests of white men, slaveholder and nonslaveholder alike. The Peculiar Democracy analyzes antebellum politics in terms of the connections between slavery, manhood, and the legacies of Jefferson and Jackson. It then looks at the secession crisis through the anxieties felt by Democratic politicians who claimed concern for the interests of both slaveholders and nonslaveholders. At the heart of the book is a collective biography of five individuals whose stories highlight the limitations of democratic political culture in a society dominated by the "peculiar institution." Through narratives informed by recent scholarship on gender, honor, class, and the law, Hettle profiles South Carolina's Francis W. Pickens, Georgia's Joseph Brown, Alabama's Jeremiah Clemens, Virginia's John Rutherfoord, and Mississippi's Jefferson Davis. The Civil War stories presented in The Peculiar Democracy illuminate the political and sometimes personal tragedy of men torn between a political culture based on egalitarian rhetoric and the wartime imperatives to defend slavery.

Examines why some politicians take the drastic step of becoming a carpetbagger and how that shapes their campaigns and chances for victory. Candidates normally run for office in the places where they live. Occasionally, however, a politician will run as a carpetbagger—someone who moves to a new state for the express purpose of running, or who runs in one state after holding office in another. Stranger in a Strange State examines what makes some politicians take this drastic step and how that shapes their campaigns and chances for victory. Focusing on races for the US Senate from 1964 forward, Christopher J. Galdieri analyzes the campaigns of nine carpetbaggers, including nationally known figures such as Robert F. Kennedy and Hillary Rodham Clinton and less well-known candidates like Elizabeth Cheney and Scott Brown. These case studies draw on archival research, contemporaneous accounts of each campaign, and scholarship on campaigns and representation. While the record reveals that it generally takes national political stature for a carpetbagger to win an election, some recent campaigns suggest that in today’s polarized political era, both politicians and state political parties might want to be more open to the prospect of carpetbagging. “Galdieri’s book brings both life and systematic analysis to his case studies. It also takes on the concept of political ambition, seriously engaging the role of political parties in shaping and mitigating ambition. Highly recommended for anyone interested in American parties and elections.” — Julia R. Azari, coeditor of The Presidential Leadership Dilemma: Between the Constitution and a Political Party “This will be the go-to book any time prominent politicians strike out for new territory.” — Ross K. Baker, author of Is Bipartisanship Dead? A Report from the Senate

For the first time, the major essays of distinguished Canadian scholar S.F. Wise are collected in this book. God's Peculiar Peoples will be essential reading for anyone interested in the origins of the political culture of English-speaking Canada and its intellectual history.

This timely reissue of Richard Hofstadter's classic work on the fringe groups that influence American electoral politics offers an invaluable perspective on contemporary domestic affairs.In The Paranoid Style in American Politics, acclaimed historian Richard Hofstadter examines the competing forces in American political discourse and how fringe groups can influence — and derail — the larger agendas of a political party. He investigates the politics of the irrational, shedding light on how the behavior of individuals can seem out of proportion with actual political issues, and how such behavior impacts larger groups. With such other classic essays as “Free Silver and the Mind of 'Coin' Harvey” and “What Happened to the Antitrust Movement?, ” The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains both a seminal text of political history and a vital analysis of the ways in which political groups function in the United States.

Twenty-three centuries after its compilation, 'The Politics' still has much to contribute to this central question of political science. Aristotle's thorough and carefully argued analysis is based on a study of over 150 city constitutions, covering a huge range of political issues in order to establish which types of constitution are best - both ideally and in particular circumstances - and how they may be maintained. Aristotle's opinions form an essential background to the thinking of philosophers such as Thomas Aquinas, Machiavelli and Jean Bodin and both his premises and arguments raise questions that are as relevant to modern society as they were to the ancient world.

Government and politics might seem twisted today, but they’ve always been strange. There’s something about public office that, throughout time, has transcended normalcy. Politics Weird-o-Pedia presents some of the oddest and most interesting political absurdities and tidbits from around the world, from Peter the Great’s tax on beards to a lawmaker’s mistress whom he kept on the congressional payroll despite her admission that “I can't type, I can't file, I can't even answer the phone.” Eminences include: Some of America’s Founding Fathers wanted to jail newspaper reporters. A Mongolian conqueror liked to build cement walls out of the bodies of his vanquished opponents (while they were still alive). An all-female resistance to nuclear missiles in Britain resulted in a protest that lasted for nineteen years—long after the missiles were gone. Politics Weird-o-Pedia doesn’t stand still for a minute. It is intriguing, funny, and occasionally startling. It is more than a collection of trivia, adding bits of context and historical vignettes that make it clear that no matter how dysfunctional politics and government might seem today—we’ve been through it all many times before.