Political Elites In Canada

Political Elites in Canada offers a timely look at Canadian political power brokers and how they are adapting to a fast-paced digital media environment. Elite power structures are changing worldwide, with traditional influencers losing authority over prevailing social, economic, and political structures. This volume explores the changing landscape for power brokers, the ascent of new elites, and how they are using digital communication to connect with Canadians in unprecedented ways. Featuring studies of governmental decision makers in the public service and non-governmental influence brokers, such as social media commentators, this collection is a much-needed synthesis of elite politics in Canada.

A comprehensive account of the structure, process and influence of interest groups and their behaviour in the political systems of Canada and the USA.

Originally published in 1974, this volume presents the results of a five-year study into interest groups, funded by the Canada Council.

What trends are shaping contemporary political communication and behaviour in Canada, and where are they heading? What’s Trending in Canadian Politics? examines political communication and democratic governance in a digital age. Exploring the effects of conventional and emerging political communication practices in Canada, contributors investigate the uses of digital media for political communication, grassroots-driven protest, public behaviour prediction, and relationships between members of civil society and the political establishment. Original and timely, this interdisciplinary volume lays robust theoretical and methodological foundations for the study of transformative trends in Canadian political communication.

Originally published in 1973, the main objectives of this study were to bring together a comprehensive amount of empirical information on the structure and process of interest groups and the nature of their interaction and influence vis-á-vis government (a great deal of such information existed regarding the USA but the subject had been somewhat neglected in the case of Canada) and also to provide a theoretical explanation of interest groups in the political process by a comparative analysis of their behaviour in the two different political and cultural systems of Canada and the USA. The implications of the study are developed within the framework of the theory of elite accommodation, which attempts to explain interest-group behaviour in the context of the larger socio-political system. Arguing that Canada should be included in the category of 'consociational' societies - i.e. relatively stable societies characterised by deep cleavages of religion and ethnicity, such as Belgium, the Netherlands and Switzerland - the author shows how accommodation between governmental and private elites encourages democratic stability in Canada in two ways: in a 'nation-saving' context and also on the operational level of allocating social resources.

Winner of the Harold Adams Innis Prize, Politics and Ideology in Canada examines a period of crucial historical change in Canada, beginning in the mid-1970s when the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state precipitated a transition to a new political order based on the progressive "downsizing" of state involvement in the economy and society. Using class and ideology as key concepts, Michael Ornstein and Michael Stevenson examine this transition in terms of the nature of hegemony and hegemonic crisis and the conditions of political order and instability. These concepts guide the interpretation of three large surveys of representative samples of the Canadian public and two unique elite surveys, conducted between 1975 and 1981. The surveys cover an exceptionally broad spectrum of political issues, including social programs, civil and economic rights, economic policy, foreign ownership, labour relations, and language issues and sovereignty. A wide-ranging analysis of public and elite attitudes reveals a hegemonic order through the early 1980s, built around public support for the institutions of the Canadian welfare state. But there was also widespread public alienation from politics. Public opinion was quite strongly linked to class but not to party politics. Regional variation in political ideology on a broad range of issues was less pronounced than differences between Quebec and English Canada. Much deeper ideological divisions separated the elites, with a dramatic polarization between corporate and labour respondents. State elites fell between these two, though generally more favourable to capital. The responses of the business elites reveal the ideological roots of the Mulroney years in support for cuts in social programs, free trade, privatization, and deregulation.

Changes in technology and media consumption are transforming the way people communicate about politics. Are they also changing the way politicians communicate to the public? Political Communication in Canada examines the way political parties, politicians, interest groups, the media, and citizens are using new tactics, tools, and channels to disseminate information, and also investigates the implications of these changes. Drawing on recent examples, contributors review such things as the branding of the New Democratic Party, how Stephen Harper’s image is managed, and politicians’ use of Twitter. They also discuss the evolving role of political journalism, including media coverage of politics and how Canadians use the Internet for political discussions. In an era when political communication – from political marketing to citizen journalism – is of vital importance to the workings of government, this timely volume provides insight into the future of Canadian democracy.

Political parties worldwide are using marketing tools such as targeting and segmentation to win elections. Are these strategies making politicians and governments more responsive to voters’ needs, or do they pose a threat to democracy? Political Marketing in Canada, the first book to ask this question of Canada, considers the consequences of political marketing in the realms of public policy, leadership, and the government-citizen relationship. Through dynamic case studies that range from the resurrection of the Conservative Party, to media accounts of political marketing, to Tim Hortons as a political brand, the authors trace how political marketing is transforming the old system of brokerage politics into a new, distinctly Canadian model. Citizens are now viewed as consumers, and platforms and promises have been repackaged as products. Whether this trend is positive or negative, the authors argue, depends on how politicians and governments carry out political marketing – and its promises – in practice.