Progressives In America 1900 2020

This is the first history of the three progressive movements in the twentieth and twentieth-first century: The original Progressives primarily in the first two decades of the twentieth century; the Popular Front progressives of the 1930s and 1940s; and recent progressives in the Democratic Party from Jesse Jackson to Bernie Sanders. Although characterized by much rhetoric, none of these movements have broken out of the reformist bounds of liberalism. The book describes the very limited outcomes of the progressive movements.

Progressives in America is both a historical and critical look of American progressivism. The recent emergence of several presidential candidates including Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren who identify as progressives has provoked a new interest in this subject. Wagner compares the current progressives with the original Progressive movement of the first two decades of the century as well as other movements in the twentieth century including the Popular Front of the 1930s and 1940s. Although the movements are by no means identical, they do share strong continuities including commitment to liberal reformism, use of the state to create change, and reliance on electoral change rather than grass roots organizing. Despite fears of the political Right and hopes on the political Left, progressives are unlikely to make fundamental changes in the American political economy as the book explores.

In Liberal White Supremacy, Angie Beeman argues that white supremacy is maintained not only by right-wing conservatives or stereotypically uneducated working-class racial bigots but also by progressives who operate from a liberal ideology of color-blindness, racism-evasiveness, and class elitism. This distinction provides insight on divisions among progressives at the local level, in community organizations, and at the national level, in the Democratic Party. By distinguishing between liberal and radical approaches to racism, class oppression, capitalism, and social movement tactics, Beeman shows how progressives continue to be limited by liberal ideology and perpetuate rather than dismantle white supremacy, all while claiming to be antiracist. She conceptualizes this self-serving process as “liberal white supremacy,” the tendency for liberal European Americans to constantly place themselves in the superior moral position in a way that reinforces inequality. Beeman advances what she calls action-oriented and racism-centered intersectional approaches as alternatives to progressive organizational strategies that either downplay racism in favor of a class-centered approach or take a talk-centered approach to racism without developing explicit actions to challenge it.

This book examines the traditional assumptions made by academics and professionals alike that have embedded sociopolitical biases that impede practice. and undermine efforts to achieve an objective scientific status. If allowed to go unchallenged, the credibility of psychology as a discipline is compromised. This contributed volume thoroughly and comprehensively examines this concern in a conceptually and empirically rigorous manner and offers constructive solutions for minimizing undue political influences within the field of psychology. Societies in the 21st century desperately need reliable psychological science, but we don’t have it. This important volume explains one of the main reasons why we are making little progress on any issue that gets contaminated by the left-right culture war: because the field of psychology is an enthusiastic member of one of the two teams, so it rejects findings and researchers who question its ideological commitments. The authors of this engaging volume also show us the way out. They diagnose the social dynamics of bias and point to reforms that would give us the psychology that we need to address 21st century problems. Jonathan Haidt, Thomas Cooley Professor of Ethical Leadership, NYU—Stern School of Business and author of The Righteous Mind The boundaries of free speech, censorship, moral cultures, social justice, and ideological biases are among the many incendiary topics discussed in this book. If you are looking for a deep-dive into real-world contemporary controversies, Ideological and Political Bias in Psychology fits the bill. The chapters are thoughtful and thought-provoking. Most readers will find something to agree with and something to rage at in almost every chapter. It just may change how you think about some of these topics. Diane F. Halpern, Professor of Psychology Emerita, Claremont McKenna College and Past President, American Psychological Association Unless the political left is always correct about everything (in which case, we wouldn’t need to do research; we could just ask a leftist), the growing political monoculture of social science is a major barrier to our search for the truth. This volume shows how ideological bias should be treated as a source of research error, up there with classic methodological flaws like non-random assignment and non-blind measurement. Steven Pinker, Johnstone Professor of Psychology, Harvard University, and the author of Rationality An important read for academics curious about how their politics fashions beliefs that too often are uncritically taken for granted, and for non-academics wondering why we can't shake off the politics that so influences scientific work. Vernon Smith, Nobel Laureate in Economic Sciences and George L. Argyros Chair in Finance and Economics, Chapman University Advances and deepens empirically rigorous scholarship into biased political influences affecting academic and professional psychology. Offers constructive solutions for minimizing undue political influences within psychology and moving the field forward. Serves as a resource for psychological academicians, researchers, practitioners, and consultants seeking to restore the principles of accurate science and effective practice to their respective areas of research.

A radically new interpretation of the Progressive Era which argues that business leaders, and not the reformers, inspired the era’s legislation regarding business.

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The transformation of average Americans’ domestic lives, revealed through the mechanical innovations and physical improvements of their homes At the turn of the nineteenth century, the average American family still lived by kerosene light, ate in the kitchen, and used an outhouse. By 1940, electric lights, dining rooms, and bathrooms were the norm as the traditional working-class home was fast becoming modern—a fact largely missing from the story of domestic innovation and improvement in twentieth-century America, where such benefits seem to count primarily among the upper classes and the post–World War II denizens of suburbia. Examining the physical evidence of America’s working-class houses, Thomas C. Hubka revises our understanding of how widespread domestic improvement transformed the lives of Americans in the modern era. His work, focused on the broad central portion of the housing population, recalibrates longstanding ideas about the nature and development of the “middle class” and its new measure of improvement, “standards of living.” In How the Working-Class Home Became Modern, 1900–1940, Hubka analyzes a period when millions of average Americans saw accelerated improvement in their housing and domestic conditions. These improvements were intertwined with the acquisition of entirely new mechanical conveniences, new types of rooms and patterns of domestic life, and such innovations—from public utilities and kitchen appliances to remodeled and multi-unit housing—are at the center of the story Hubka tells. It is a narrative, amply illustrated and finely detailed, that traces changes in household hygiene, sociability, and privacy practices that launched large portions of the working classes into the middle class—and that, in Hubka’s telling, reconfigures and enriches the standard account of the domestic transformation of the American home.

The American Progressive Era, which spanned from the 1880s to the 1920s, is generally regarded as a dynamic period of political reform and social activism. In Performing the Progressive Era, editors Max Shulman and Chris Westgate bring together top scholars in nineteenth- and twentieth-century theatre studies to examine the burst of diverse performance venues and styles of the time, revealing how they shaped national narratives surrounding immigration and urban life. Contributors analyze performances in urban centers (New York, Chicago, Cleveland) in comedy shows, melodramas, Broadway shows, operas, and others. They pay special attention to performances by and for those outside mainstream society: immigrants, the working-class, and bohemians, to name a few. Showcasing both lesser-known and famous productions, the essayists argue that the explosion of performance helped bring the Progressive Era into being, and defined its legacy in terms of gender, ethnicity, immigration, and even medical ethics.