Radical Whigs And Conspiratorial Politics In Late Stuart England

This compelling new study examines the intersection between women, religion and politics in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century in Britain. It demonstrates that what inspired Dissenting and Anglican women to political action was their concern for the survival of the Protestant religion both at home and abroad.

This monograph is an envisaging study of the ideologies of Thomas Gordon and John Trenchard. The work demonstrates that both writers were intimately identified with the Independent Whigs and vociferously denounced the absolutistic thinking and counterrevolutionary threats and activities of High Church Tories and Jacobites. The first two chapters detail the political and religious posture of High Church clergymen during the 1688-89 Revolution. The next three chapters offer vivid profiles of Gordon and Trenchard as being radical, court, and Harringtonian Whigs and assesses their roles as propagandists in early Hanoverian England. There are stimulating accounts concerning the personalities and collaborative efforts of these two men, the origins and functions of The Independent Whig and Cato's Letters, the responses of these writers to the political and religious policies of Walpole, and the repudiation by these Radical Whigs of the tyrannical and seditious behavior of Stuart sympathizers. In the conclusion, the author offers a review of significant points made in the study.

The book discusses the 'state trial' as a legal process, a public spectacle, and a point of political conflict - a key part of how constitutional monarchy became constitutional.State trials provided some of the leading media events of later Stuart England. The more important of these trials attracted substantial public attention, serving as pivot points in the relationship between the state and its subjects. Later Stuart England has been known among legal historians for a series of key cases in which juries asserted their independence from judges. In political history, the government's sometimes shaky control over political trials in this period has long been taken as a sign of the waning power of the Crown. This book revisits the process by which the 'state trial' emerged as a legal proceeding, a public spectacle, a point of political conflict, and ultimately, a new literary genre. It investigates the trials as events, as texts, and as moments in the creation of historical memory. By the early nineteenth century, the publication and republication of accounts of the state trials had become a standard part of the way in which modern Britons imagined how their constitutional monarchy had superseded the absolutist pretensions of the Stuart monarchs. This book explores how the later Stuart state trials helped to create that world.tury, the publication and republication of accounts of the state trials had become a standard part of the way in which modern Britons imagined how their constitutional monarchy had superseded the absolutist pretensions of the Stuart monarchs. This book explores how the later Stuart state trials helped to create that world.tury, the publication and republication of accounts of the state trials had become a standard part of the way in which modern Britons imagined how their constitutional monarchy had superseded the absolutist pretensions of the Stuart monarchs. This book explores how the later Stuart state trials helped to create that world.tury, the publication and republication of accounts of the state trials had become a standard part of the way in which modern Britons imagined how their constitutional monarchy had superseded the absolutist pretensions of the Stuart monarchs. This book explores how the later Stuart state trials helped to create that world.

The restoration of the monarchy in 1660 has commonly been thought to represent a return to political stability and religious consensus following the tumultuous civil wars and the Commonwealth period. However, by analysing underground texts from 1660 to 1670, Stephen Bardle provides a new literary historical narrative of what was in fact one of the most tumultuous periods in English history. This new study contributes to an on-going historical re-evaluation of the Restoration period, a time when terrible plague, the Great Fire of London, and a brutal war against the Dutch quickly undermined the popularity of the new government. The Literary Underground in the 1660s tells the story of three writers who fuelled the flames of opposition by contributing illicit texts to a small yet intense public sphere via the literary underground. Key texts by Andrew Marvell, including The Garden , are set in the context of under-explored works by the poet and pamphleteer George Wither, and the indomitable satirist Ralph Wallis. This book draws upon extensive archival research and features neglected manuscript and print sources. As an original study of the literary underground, which sheds light on the vibrancy of political opposition in the 1660s, this book should be of interest to students of radicalism as well as seventeenth-century historians and literary scholars.

This book examines the Whig theory of resistance that emerged from the Revolution of 1688 in England, and presents an important challenge to the received opinion of Whig thought as confused and as inferior to the revolutionary principles set forth by John Locke. While a wealth of Whig literature is analyzed, Rudolph focuses upon the work of James Tyrrell, presenting the first full-length study of this seminal Whig theorist, and friend and colleague of John Locke. This book provides a compelling argument for the importance of Whig political thought for the history of liberalism.

In this original and illuminating new study, Mark Knights reveals how the political culture of the eighteenth century grew out of earlier trends and innovations. Arguing that the period from 1675 needs to be seen as the second stage of a seventeenth-century revolution that ran on until c.1720, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain charts the growth of a national political culture and traces the development of the public as an arbiter of politics. In doing so, it uncovers a crisis of public discourse and credibility, and finds a political enlightenment rooted in local and national partisan conflict. The later Stuart period was characterized by frequent elections, the lapse of pre-publication licensing, the emergence of party politics, the creation of a public debt, and ideological conflict over popular sovereignty. These factors combined to enhance the status of the 'public', not least in requiring it to make numerous acts of judgement. Contemporaries from across the political spectrum feared that the public might be misled by the misrepresentations pedalled by their rivals. Each side, and those ostensibly of no side, discerned a culture of passion, slander, libel, lies, hypocrisy, dissimulation, conspiracy, private languages, and fictions. 'Truth' appeared an ambiguous, political matter. Yet the reaction to partisanship was also creative, for it helped to construct an ideal form of political discourse. This was one based on reason rather than passion, on moderation rather than partisan zeal, on critical reading rather than credulity; and an increasing realization that these virtues arose from infrequent rather than frequent elections. Finding synergies between social, political, religious, scientific, literary, cultural, and intellectual history, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain reinvigorates the debate about the emergence of 'the public sphere' in the later Stuart period.

This book gathers contributions on the later Stuart queens and queen consorts. It seeks to re-insert Henrietta Maria, Catherine of Braganza, Mary of Modena, Mary II, Anne, and Maria Clementina Sobieska into the mainstream of Stuart and early Georgian studies, concentrating on the later Stuart queens from the restoration of King Charles II (who married Catherine of Braganza in 1662) until the death of Maria Clementina Sobieska in 1735, who was married to James Francis Edward Stuart, the titular King James III, otherwise known as the Old Pretender. It showcases these women’s roles as queen consorts and as ruling queens in Britain and Europe, and reveals how their positions allowed them to act as power-brokers, diplomats, patrons, and religious trendsetters during their lifetimes. It also explores their impact in early modern Britain and Europe by assessing their influence in religion, political culture, and the promotion of patronage.