Recalibrating The U S Republic Of Korea Alliance

On October 18-20, 2001, the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korean Security Studies was held in Washington, DC. Created in 1985 by retired generals Richard Stilwell of the United States and Sun Yup Paik of the Republic of Korea, the Council's aim was to initiate a conference that would bring together top scholars and practitioners on the most important issues facing the two countries and their important bilateral alliance. Since then, the Council has successfully hosted an annual conference, alternating every other year between meetings in Seoul and Washington. Because of the unexpected attacks on the World Trade Center in New York just 1 month prior to the conference, the papers did not capture adequately an assessment of the actual and potential impact of the terrorist attack on U.S. foreign policy, its implications for the two Koreas, and its probable effects on China and Russia. There were suggestions that the attack would have major effects, but few details about what those would be, which was understandable with so little time having elapsed since the attack. On the other hand, several authors stressed that in important ways much had not changed: U.S. commitments had not been shifted or weakened; the U.S. ability to militarily uphold its commitments had not been affected; and the solidarity of the ROK-U.S. alliance again had been demonstrated through South Korea's strong support for the war on terrorism.

On October 18-20, 2001, the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korean Security Studies was held in Washington, DC. Created in 1985 by retired generals Richard Stilwell of the United States and Sun Yup Paik of the Republic of Korea, the Council's aim was to initiate a conference that would bring together top scholars and practitioners on the most important issues facing the two countries and their important bilateral alliance. Since then, the Council has successfully hosted an annual conference, alternating every other year between meetings in Seoul and Washington. Although begun as an idea with a relatively small scale, in 2001 the Council hosted one of the largest meetings ever, bringing together over 50 presenters and discussants and several hundred participants. Due to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center the preceding month, the planned participation of high-level U.S. government officials was curtailed. However, those attending the conference heard from many of the leading experts on Korean, Northeast Asian, and U.S. foreign policy issues and problems. Major speakers included the Republic of Korea (ROK) Ambassador to the United States, the Deputy Director of the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asia and Pacific Affairs. The unexpected attacks just 1 month prior to the conference caught everyone by surprise, not the least the authors. Thus, the papers did not capture adequately an assessment of the actual and potential impact of the terrorist attack on U.S. foreign policy, its implications for the two Koreas, and its probable effects on China and Russia. There were suggestions that the attack would have major effects, but few details about what those would be, which was understandable with so little time having elapsed since the attack. On the other hand, papers such as Victor Cha's stressed that in important ways much had not changed: U.S. commitments had not been shifted or weakened; the U.S. ability to militarily uphold its commitments had not been affected; and the solidarity of the ROK U.S. alliance again had been demonstrated through South Korea's strong support for the war on terrorism. The terrorist attack may have contributed to some extent to a broad mood of uneasiness, even outright concern, at the conference. Some authors, such as Tae Woo Kim, noted the stagnation or stalemate now existing in North- South and U.S.-Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) relations. There was consensus as articulated by Nicholas Eberstadt that North Korea had not made serious progress in either relationship: it had yet to install a significant reform program, making only modest economic improvements and none that reflect an easing of the structural problems in the economic and political systems. Most importantly, North Korea had not opened up to the outside world. Interestingly, unlike previous conferences, there was no concern about a collapse of the North with its myriad of unfortunate consequences. Instead, recent developments were taken mainly as evidence that the North lacks any serious commitment to reform, to engagement, and to opening up to the world, which is why the North is neglecting the opportunities offered by the Sunshine Policy and the Bush administration's offer to resume negotiations, and why the North did not respond effectively to the opportunity raised by the 9/11 incidents to deepen engagement with the United States. However, this was not a unanimous view. Some participants suggested the Bush administration was still not serious about talking with Pyongyang, and that the North really has made a significant commitment to change but that we are expecting too much too soon in this regard.

The principal focus of the papers collected in this book is the Republic of Korea (ROK)-U.S. alliance and the challenges it faces from tensions within the alliance, the effects of the alliance partners' interaction with North Korea, and the economic pressures that affect the alliance. These papers were presented at the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korea Security Studies in October 2001. Because of the elapsed time, the reader could be tempted to think that the events since these papers were presented have overtaken the arguments of the presenters. This is far from the truth. Each of these papers reflects the enduring historical forces, geopolitical realities, and national interests that affect Northeast Asia, the Korean peninsula, and the ROK-U.S. alliance. The descriptions of the alliance mechanisms, the Armistice machinery, the Agreed Framework, and the economic imperatives that affect the alliance thus have continuing value. The policy recommendations are still germane and worthy of the consideration of those to whom the future of the alliance is entrusted.

The principal focus of the papers collected in this book is the Republic of Korea (ROK)-U.S. alliance and the challenges it faces from tensions within the alliance, the effects of the alliance partners' interaction with North Korea, and the economic pressures that affect the alliance. These papers were presented at the 16th Annual Conference of the Council on U.S.-Korea Security Studies in October 2001. Because of the elapsed time, the reader could be tempted to think that the events since these papers were presented have overtaken the arguments of the presenters. This is far from the truth. Each of these papers reflects the enduring historical forces, geopolitical realities, and national interests that affect Northeast Asia, the Korean peninsula, and the ROK-U.S. alliance. The descriptions of the alliance mechanisms, the Armistice machinery, the Agreed Framework, and the economic imperatives that affect the alliance thus have continuing value. The policy recommendations are still germane and worthy of the consideration of those to whom the future of the alliance is entrusted.

A comprehensive look at the role of history, economics, security, threat perception, and domestic politics in the South Korea-United States alliance.

The US seems to be heading directly toward a confrontation with North Korea as Koreans in the south, and nations around the world, anxiously witness mounting tension. Carpenter and Bandow take a look at the twin crises now afflicting US policy in East Asia: the reemergence of North Korea's nuclear weapons program and the growing anti-American sentiment in South Korea. They question whether Washington's East Asia security strategy makes sense with the looming prospect of US troops stationed in South Korea becoming nuclear hostages. Carpenter and Bandow put forth the most provocative solution yet to this gnarled and dangerous situation.

The Routledge Handbook of Korean Politics and Public Administration gathers the expertise of leading international scholars to survey the full spectrum of contemporary South Korean international relations, public management, and public policies. Divided into four parts, the handbook covers a range of issues including: domestic Korean political parties, elections and leadership, foreign policy, national security and relations with North Korea, public administration, governance and finance, and economic, social and environmental public policies. Offering a complete overview of the field, the handbook is an invaluable resource for academics, researchers, policy analysts, graduate and undergraduate students studying South Korean Politics and International Relations as well as East Asian Politics.

North Korea's testing of a nuclear bomb sent out a shock wave throughout the world and totally changed the strategic equation in the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia. This testing has far-reaching implications for Korean peace and unification, Northeast Asian security and America's global war on terrorism. This key volume provides an in-depth analysis of the inter-Korean and international dynamics of North Korea's nuclear crisis. It offers new insights into the six-party talks designed to resolve the crisis, suggests creative formulas to resolve the ongoing crisis through peaceful, diplomatic means and delves into the interests and policies of the major powers - the US, China, Japan and Russia - at the six-party negotiating table. The contributing authors are distinguished specialists and experts in the field and as such offer valuable expertise into the dynamics of this nuclear crisis for students and academics