Social Europe A Manifesto

The European Union is excellently equipped to pursue the most urgent issues facing the advanced world: combating environmental damage and climate change, coping with the massive aftermath of the coronavirus crisis, reforming globalisation, regulating financialised capitalism, reducing material inequalities and reconciling the future of work in a rapidly changing economy with workers' needs for secure lives. The EU's leading role as global standard-setter, and the potential of the social-investment welfare state, are among the instruments at its disposal. But, argues Colin Crouch in this manifesto for a return to the 'social Europe' agenda, to achieve these goals the EU needs to face the two menaces stalking today's politics: neoliberalism and xenophobic nationalism. To do so it must confront the weakness of social democracy, historically the main political protagonist of the causes of co-operation and inclusion on which the strategy depends.

Presents eight ways of developing a constitutional framework for the EU: Parts I and II separated from Part III of the Constitutional Treaty; a "social protocol" to the Constitutional Treaty; enhanced cooperation; Schengen model; a social constitution through the European Court of Justice; a non-binding "social declaration"; an interpretative instrument; inserting a reference to a legally binding EU Charter in Part I.

'One of the most important books I've read in years' Brian Eno We are losing the commons. Austerity and neoliberal policies have depleted our shared wealth; our national utilities have been sold off to foreign conglomerates, social housing is almost non-existent, our parks are cordoned off for private events and our national art galleries are sponsored by banks and oil companies. This plunder deprives us all of our common rights, recognized as far back as the Magna Carta and the Charter of the Forest of 1217, to share fairly and equitably in our public wealth. Guy Standing leads us through a new appraisal of the commons, stemming from the medieval concept of common land reserved in ancient law from marauding barons, to his modern reappraisal of the resources we all hold in common - a brilliant new synthesis that crystallises quite how much public wealth has been redirected to the 1% in recent decades through the state-approved exploitation of everything from our land to our state housing, health and benefit systems, to our justice system, schools, newspapers and even the air we breathe. Plunder of the Commons proposes a charter for a new form of commoning, of remembering, guarding and sharing that which belongs to us all, to slash inequality and soothe our current political instability.

This manifesto remains the only attempt to date by GRECE, the primary New Right organization in France, to summarize its principles and key concepts. It was written in 1999 by Alain de Benoist, GRECE's founder, and Charles Champetier on the occasion of GRECE's thirtieth anniversary. It offers a strong argument in favor of the right to difference among cultures and civilizations, and the right of peoples to defend themselves from cultural homogenization. It also offers a vision of a regenerated Europe which will find its strength in a return to its authentic values and traditions, in opposition to the new imperialism of multiculturalism and the global marketplace. Alain de Benoist (b. 1943) is the primary philosopher of the European 'New Right' movement. He attended the Sorbonne, studying law, philosophy and religion. He is the author of dozens of books, including The Problem of Democracy and Beyond Human Rights, published in English translation by Arktos, and gives frequent lectures around the world. He lives in Paris. Charles Champetier (b. 1968) is the former editor of Éléments, one of GRECE's periodicals. He continues to write on subjects related to the New Right.

The Unconditional Basic Income (UBI) is one of the most hotly debated ideas of recent years on the left - and, indeed, right. The potential threat to millions of current jobs posed by robotization and artificial intelligence combined with the rise of inequality has contributed to making it a core element of the continuing post-crisis discussions on what it means to be on the left, or a social democrat, today and in the future. Is an unconditional basic income without means-test or work-test compatible with social justice and individual self-worth? Does it open up the space for an end to demeaning labour and a resurgence of voluntary work and cultural life? Is it affordable? This collection of short but compelling essays, all previously published in Social Europe, allows both proponents and opponents to make their case and is designed to extend this vital discussion to a wider audience. We are proud to have spearheaded the debate on an issue that is of vital and enduring importance for Europe and beyond.