Syria And Lebanon

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This book examines the unfolding of the Syrian refugee crisis in relation to the spillover of the Syrian civil war in Lebanon and against the background of Lebanon–Syria relations and Lebanon’s socio-political, cultural, legal, and economic conditions. It surveys Lebanon’s response plans to the refugee crisis as part of the development of the international response plans to address the protection and needs of the Syrian refugees and Palestinian refugees from Syria, as well as the impacted host communities and institutions. At the same time, this book emphasizes the dramatic shift in popular and institutional attitudes towards the refugees as a response to and as a growth of the sheer magnitude of the refugee crisis, which made Lebanon the only country in modern history with the highest per capita concentration of refugees in the world. By examining these attitudes against the background of achievements and failures of the response plans, the impact of the crisis on state institutions on the local and national levels, and the collective consciousness of a nation barely surviving the scars of its civil war, this book not only underscores the deepening tragedy of Syrian and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, but also the consequential tragedy of many Lebanese, who have been forced into poverty and whose livelihoods have been affected by insecurity and the almost complete collapse of social services. As a result, the tragedy of the Syrian refugee crisis has become an international crisis affecting vulnerable persons across nationalities, and, unless it is addressed diplomatically and its response plans sufficiently funded, the tragedy will only deepen across continents.

This book provides an intimate picture of Lebanon, exploring the impacts of the Arab uprisings of 2011 which are deeply affecting Lebanese politics and society. The book examines Lebanon’s current issues and its deep sectarian divisions, as well as the ways in which it still seems able to find some adaptation paths to face the many challenges left by its regional sectarian and political polarization. Authors delve into border regions, Syrian refugees, the welfare state, the Lebanese Army, popular mobilisations in 2011 and the two main communities, the Sunnis and the Shia. Built on various fieldwork researches, the volume explores each of the topics through the lenses of identification building processes, the re-ordering of social and/or political relations, and the nationhood symbols and meanings.

Based on primary sources as well as personal contacts and interviews, this timely book examines the origin, evolution, and the role of the Communist party in Egypt. The picture painted of Egyptian domestic politics, especially of the differences among communist leaders, is a detailed one. The authors examine the developments of communism in Egypt as a dynamic response to a corrupt political system and to deplorable economic and social conditions that beset most Egyptians. The authors stress that the rise of Egyptian communism, although strongly supported by the Soviet government, actually evolved because of these internal problems, which Egyptian communists continue to focus on. The authors shed light on the relevance of communist theory in addressing these conditions. Because, in their opinion, official government documents are factually questionable and purport the official Soviet party line, the authors chose to base their research on other sources, such as interviews with local communists and the records of the Egyptian Communist party. Thus they provide a unique treatment of the subject at hand. They also discuss Soviet policy toward Egypt and the role played by the Soviet Union in the sponsorship of Egyptian communism and the principal Egyptian personalities and organizations involved in the evolution of the Egyptian communist party. This book should be of interest to scholars, students, and researchers of Middle East politics, communist movements, and the ideologies of developing nations.

SCOTT (copy 1): From the John Holmes Library collection.

Lebanon experienced serious instability and ethno-national conflict following the Syrian withdrawal in 2005, compounded by the Arab Spring, which led to regional instability and civil war in Iraq and Syria. Why did consociational democracy fail? Was failure inevitable? What impact could external powers play in creating an environment where consociationalism might be successfully implemented? This book addresses these key questions and provides a comprehensive analysis of how internal and external elite relations influence the chances of a successful regulation of ethno-national conflict through power-sharing. Exploring the roles played by Syria, Qatar, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United States and France, it argues that external actors in the Lebanese conflict largely determined whether power-sharing was successfully established and shows that the consociational democratic model cannot provide long-term conflict regulation in their absence. The author argues that relationships between internal and external actors determine the prospects for successful conflict regulation and pinpoints the crucial role of the external forces in the creation of power-sharing agreements in Lebanon concluding that future success is dependent on the maintenance of positive, exogenous pressures. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars studying politics, international relations, and Middle East studies.

The so-called 'Cedar Revolution' in Lebanon, triggered by the assassination of the former Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri in February 2005, brought to an end three decades of Syrian military presence in the country. Here, Taku Osoegawa challenges the commonly-held claim that Lebanon and its leaders were simple puppets of the Syrian regime during the thirty years characterised as Lebanon under Syrian hegemony. Furthermore, by investigating Lebanon's own reasons for aligning itself with Syria, Syria and Lebanon aims to answer the following question: which theories of international relations are most relevant or best-suited to explain Lebanon's relations - particularly its bandwagoning - with Syria from 1970 (when the Asad regime was established) to the present day? By focusing on the actions and attitudes taken by Lebanon's political leadership, specifically the presidents and prime ministers, towards Syria, Osoegawa considers the applicability of the following theories: simple realism, complex realism, constructivism and complex interdependence. Syria and Lebanon also considers the ways in which the relationship between these two central states in the Middle East has developed since the Syrian withdrawal. For example, Osoegawa looks at the reasoning behind Syrian intransigence over the Special Tribunal for Lebanon and Hizbullah's weapons, and the consequences of the turmoil and violence which Syria has experienced since early 2011. This book's analysis is essential not only for the study of the relationship between Lebanon and Syria, but also their impact on political stability in the wider Middle East.