The Greater Maghreb

The Founding Treaty of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), signed in February 1989, calls for a strengthening of all ties among its member states (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia), including a gradual move toward free circulation of goods, services, and factors of production among them. The paper provides an overview of the economic conditions in the AMU member countries, describes the institutional arrangements under the AMU, and assesses the progress made in attaining the economic objectives of the Treaty. In so doing, the paper identifies the main obstacles encountered in making progress toward the objectives of the Treaty and reviews actions that need to be taken to make further progress in the coming years. In that context, the paper also examines the relationship of the AMU countries with the European Union (EU).

General study of the economies of Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco since independence, and the obstacles to economic development - examines the role of France in the maghreb, economic structures, social structures, development policies, foreign policies toward Arab country, international relations, economic relations, political systems, the role of foreign investments, etc. Bibliography pp. 247 to 251, maps and statistical tables.

Increasing terrorist activity has led the Maghreb countries—Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Mauritania, and Libya—to focus on antiterrorism efforts, unintentionally at the expense of full-fledged economic reform. These countries have tightened their border restrictions on the flow of people and goods, reducing commerce and depressing economic activity. In fact, Maghreb has one of the lowest rates of intra-regional trade in the world; other factors like rigid economic structures, slow productivity growth, and modest investment levels continue to stymie progress toward economic integration. Do these countries' diverse circumstances symbolize insurmountable obstacles in achieving economic cooperation and an improved standard of living for citizens? How can the United States and European Union facilitate economic progress? Maghreb Regional and Global Integration: A Dream to Be Fulfilled utilizes two distinct econometric tools to assess four key sectors—energy, banking and insurance, transport, and agribusiness—and outlines achievable sector-specific recommendations. This book not only assesses the gains from economic integration among the Maghreb countries, but also focuses on the tangible benefits from enhanced economic ties between the region and the world economy. With this critical analysis, the authors provide an in-depth look at practical measures such as bilateral trade and investment agreements, regional arrangements, and financial assistance that can significantly boost short-term success and ensure long-term gains through integration in an unstable region.

Examines how French colonial modernity invented the concept of the Maghreb, making it distinct from Africa and the Middle East.

NATO and the Greater Maghreb offers a distinctive focus and study of NATO’s future policy in North Africa and the Sahel after the new 2022 Strategic Concept, expected to be published during the next NATO Summit in Madrid. The book will use three main axes to frame the contributors’ analysis, which are not usually used together for analyzing NATO policy: Geopolitics, Great Power Competition, and Threats. These lenses create a distinctive approach to reviewing a Greater Mahgreb Regional Security Complex confronted with the necessities of a distinctive approach by NATO. The idea of MENA (Middle East and North Africa), still used by the EU and NATO is already obsolete for several reasons: first, it is no more possible to split West Africa geopolitically from North Africa and Sahel. Second, the action of terrorist groups such as Al Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, ISIS, and Boko Haram are not related to Middle East problems, nor strategies and policies necessaries to tackle them. Second, the difficulties in cooperation between these countries, the corruption fed by organized crime (above all cocaine trafficking) and the impact of desertization, makes it very difficult to establish sound strategies and policies for the area. Third, there is an increasing presence of Great Powers in the area, including Russia and China, Turkey, and some Gulf states with different goals and policies.

A comparative study based on extensive fieldwork, and an original database of gender-based reforms in the Middle East and North Africa, Aili Mari Tripp analyzes why autocratic leaders in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia adopted more extensive women's rights than their Middle Eastern counterparts.

This book represents a different approach in the study of the Sahel region in North Africa. Due to the hybrid security threats sweeping across the area, the whole region becomes a new security complex different from Middle East and more related to Western and Central Africa developments, including the impact of drug-trafficking coming from Latin America. This book discusses how the Transnational Organized Crime-Terrorism Nexus has created a very different dynamics from Middle East’s, hitting hard to people, societies and states there. The contributors argue that the countries in the area and the European Union should recognize this new complex and respond properly and differently to this situation.