The Soul Of Statesmanship

Shakespeare’s plays explore a staggering range of political topics, from the nature of tyranny, to the practical effects of Christianity on politics and the family, to the meaning and practice of statesmanship. From great statesmen like Burke and Lincoln to the American frontiersman sitting by his rustic fire, those wrestling with the problems of the human soul and its confrontation with a puzzling world of political peril and promise have long considered these plays a source of political wisdom. The chapters in this volume support and illuminate this connection between Shakespearean drama and politics by examining a matter of central concern in both domains: the human soul. By depicting a bewildering variety of characters as they seek happiness and self-knowledge in the context of differing political regimes, family ties, religious duties, friendships, feuds, and poetic inspirations, Shakespeare illuminates the complex interdynamics between self-rule and political governance, educating readers by compelling us to share in the struggles of and relate to the tensions felt by each character in a way that no political treatise or lecture can. The authors of this volume, drawing upon expertise in fields such as political philosophy, American government, and law, explore the Bard’s dramatization of perennial questions about human nature, moral virtue, and statesmanship, demonstrating that reading his plays as works of philosophical literature enhances our understanding of political life and provides a source of advice and inspiration for the citizens and statesmen of today and tomorrow.

Though some might dispute it, Freud -- along with Marx, Darwin and Einstein -- ranks among the intellectual fathers of the 20th century. We all talk about the meaning of our dreams, make "Freudian" slips, appreciate the power of unconscious desires and accept the influence of childhood experiences on adult behavior. Nevertheless, despite his pervasive influence and all the words that have been written about him, the real importance of Freud´s work has been obscured. He asks what may be the most pressing question of the age that we live in: how can we win power in our own soul? As we move through the first years of a new millennium, it sometimes appears that the world has become too large, too complex and more dangerous and inhospitable every day. We seem beset by nightmares: fascism, communism, tribalism, nationalism, racism and the other -isms that have prevented us, as individuals and as societies, from thinking clearly and acting with humanity. We paid dearly for our nightmares in the 20th century and the end is not in sight. We feel increasingly challenged to preserve -- or gain -- a minimum sense of community, security and well being in the midst of the globalized struggle of billions of others to do the same. In this struggle, our political systems -- the governments that oversee our domestic and foreign affairs and the organizations that connect us internationally -- often seem overwhelmed by the effort to stave off ever-threatening crises and disasters of one kind or the other. No place, no one, no system appears immune to difficulty. At a time when the major ideological and systemic competitors to Western liberal-democracy and free-market capitalism have collapsed, neither democracy nor the market appear to offer, by themselves, the answers we need to our many problems. Freud offers a way to understand ourselves that makes clear the need for a revolution within the soul if we are to rid ourselves of the nightmares and gain the capacity to live our lives with reason and humanity. His focus on helping the individual banish the irrational has roots deep in Western civilization in the classic Greek concern with "living the good life." Freud approaches this ultimately practical question from the perspective of one who wishes to help the individual achieve psychic health. Freud does not define health as "happy" or "well-adjusted." Nor is it contingent on physical well being. Health is the capacity to determine, consciously and rationally, one´s own approach to life -- our relationship to the external world around us and to the internal wellsprings of our individual mental and emotional existence. Psychic health is a prerequisite to living the good life, to using what we have at hand -- to the best of our ability -- to complete our existence as human beings. Plato and Freud: Statesmen of the Soul seeks to show how Freud´s work recalls Socrates´ invitation, in the Republic, to establish within ourselves the rule of reason without which we cannot live well and achieve just and well-ordered societies. Plato showed Socrates engaging individuals in dialogue one by one in order to help them understand the need to reorder their souls and subject the disorder within to the control of intellect and reason. Plato´s Socratic dialogues offer a powerful model of political change through changing individuals, soul by soul. For Plato, the nature of the soul was intrinsically a political matter. He sought to put political power into the hands of intellect, and thereby into the hands of those individuals whose souls are justly ordered by intellect. Those thus ordered would be "philosophers" -- which in Greek meant simply "lovers of wisdom." Through the ability of these "philosophers" to perceive the good and, consequently, to act rightly, the state too would be guided by the good. Plato and Freud: Statesmen of the Soul seeks to escape the previous mistranslations and misunderstan

The study of statesmanship is not a subject for leaders in politics alone. It is the study of the whole human being in thought and action. The classics teach us of the difficult choices that must be made, an activity that guides lives and forms character. This collection of writings includes ancient, Medieval, Renaissance, and modern scholarship on statesmanship from Xenophon, Aristotle, Cicero, Augustine, Erasmus, Niccolo Machiavelli, George Washington, Theodore Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and more, selected and with an introduction by the president of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute, John A. Burtka.

Magnanimity and Statesmanship, a collection of studies by a number distinguished political scientists, traces the changing understanding of great political leadership through the history of political philosophy. Covering thinkers from Aristotle to Nietzsche, and including treatments of such statesmen as Washington and Churchill, the book addresses the timely question: What makes for great statesmanship?

In The Statesman as Thinker, Daniel J. Mahoney provides thoughtful and elegant portraits of statesmen who struggled to preserve freedom during times of crisis: Cicero using all the powers of rhetoric to preserve republican liberty in Rome against Caesar’s encroaching autocracy; Burke defending ordered liberty against Jacobin tyranny in revolutionary France; Tocqueville defending liberty and human dignity against blind reaction, democratic impatience, and revolutionary fanaticism; Lincoln preserving the American republic and putting an end to chattel slavery; Churchill defending liberty and law and opposing Nazi and Communist despotism; de Gaulle defending the honor of France during World War II; and Havel fighting Communism before 1989 and then leading the Czech Republic with dignity and grace. Mahoney makes sense of the mixture of magnanimity and moderation that defines the statesman as thinker at his or her best. That admirable mixture of greatness, courage, and moderation owes much to classical and Christian wisdom and to the noble desire to protect the inheritance of civilization against rapacious and destructive despotic regimes and ideologies.

"At a time when the forces of administrative despotism are on the march and Winfreyesque rhetoric passes for moral leadership and intellectual sophistication, Brian Danoff and L. Joseph Hebert, Jr., have assembled a compelling collection of timely essays on the political thought of Alexis de Tocqueville, that liberal thinker of the first rank who endeavored to see f̀urther than the parties' without any pretense to post-partisanship, who understood that more democracy is not always the answer to every problem of democracy, and who concerned himself with educating democratic peoples so that they may live together as free citizens rather than exist independently as dependent subjects. This fine collection situates Tocqueville within the history of ideas, ancient and modern, and examines the significance of his observations, predictions, and prescriptions as they pertain to a wide variety of topics with contemporary relevance. The chapters in this volume articulate the proper relationship between political theory, political science, and political practice, emphasizing the necessity for genuine republican statesmanship while honestly wondering about its chances given the trajectory of late modern America."--Travis D. Smith. Concordia University, Montreal.

This bold, groundbreaking study of American political development assesses the presidency of Abraham Lincoln through the lenses of governmental power, economic policy, expansion of executive power, and natural rights to show how Lincoln not only believed in the limitations of presidential power but also dedicated his presidency to restraining the scope and range of it. Though Lincoln’s presidency is inextricably linked to the Civil War, and he is best known for his defense of the Union and executive wartime leadership, Lincoln believed that Congress should be at the helm of public policy making. Likewise, Lincoln may have embraced limited government in vague terms, but he strongly supported effective rule of law and distribution of income and wealth. Placing the Lincoln presidency within a deeper and more meaningful historical context, Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy highlights Lincoln’s significance in the development of American power institutions and social movement politics. Using Lincoln’s prepresidential and presidential words and actions, this book argues that decent government demands a balance of competing goods and the strong statesmanship that Lincoln exemplified. Instead of relying too heavily on the will of the people and institutional solutions to help prevent tyranny, Jon D. Schaff proposes that American democracy would be better served by a moderate and prudential statesmanship such as Lincoln’s, which would help limit democratic excesses. Schaff explains how Lincoln’s views on prudence, moderation, natural rights, and economics contain the notion of limits, then views Lincoln’s political and presidential leadership through the same lens. He compares Lincoln’s views on governmental powers with the defense of unlimited government by twentieth-century progressives and shows how Lincoln’s theory of labor anticipated twentieth-century distributist economic thought. Schaff’s unique exploration falls squarely between historians who consider Lincoln a protoprogressive and those who say his presidency was a harbinger of industrialized, corporatized America. In analyzing Lincoln’s approach, Abraham Lincoln’s Statesmanship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy rejects the idea he was a revolutionary statesman and instead lifts up Lincoln’s own affinity for limited presidential power, making the case for a modest approach to presidential power today based on this understanding of Lincoln’s statesmanship. As a counterpoint to the contemporary landscape of bitter, uncivil politics, Schaff points to Lincoln’s statesmanship as a model for better ways of engaging in politics in a democracy.