The Struggle Over Class

This volume brings together scholars from the fields of New Testament and early Christianity to examine Christian texts in light of the category of class. Historically rigorous and theoretically sophisticated, The Struggle over Class presents a range of approaches to, and applications of, class in the study of religious texts and communities. Essays examine the epistles, the gospels, Acts, apocalyptic texts, and patristic literature for what they reveal about the socioeconomic contexts of the Greco-Roman World.

In the current state of global upheaval with the rallying call for human rights and justice for people who have been historically marginalized, the curriculum must be decolonized to ensure that children identified as marginalized and at risk are receiving an equitable education that is based on respect and acceptance of their cultural heritage as well as their human rights. The Struggle for Justice, Equity, and Peace in the Global Classroom investigates the global classroom as a site of transformation for educators who dare to take action to replace oppressive and repressive practices with emancipatory strategies grounded in critical consciousness. The book’s contents convey the pluralism that defines America and the world, investigating how educators can re-envision the future through an engagement with the past and an understanding of how the historical continuities of racial intolerance and social injustice continue to impact classroom teaching and the outcomes of children whose lives are shaped by the aftermath of slavery and oppression. Covering topics such as colonial education, inclusive classrooms, and student agency, this premier reference source is an excellent resource for teachers, school administrators, literary scholars, community activists, teacher educators, preservice teachers, researchers, and academicians.

The future of work in advanced industrial democracies is the subject of intense debate and public concern. Despite predictions that working hours would fall and leisure time would rise as society progressed, the opposite has in fact occurred. This new book contains a twofold investigation into 'the end of work' with theoretical and policy angles contributing to the growing research field on the boundaries of economics and sociology.

First published in 1999.This case study examines how low-income residents, community leaders, the Nation of Islam, and the police joined forces to close down an open air drug market. The research shows how a previously stable black community became severely destabilized and documents the efforts of community members to mobilize their neighbors around home ownership, tenant empowerment and jobs. Adopting a holistic perspective, the author examines tensions between opportunities and constraints dictating the aspirations of individuals, the historical factors influencing the course of events in their community, and the agenda of various government and private agencies. This three-year ethnographic study observed the community's rejuvenation and the drastic reduction in drug-related crimes, antagonism between the police and the Nation of Islam, and the demise of the HUD funded tenants' home ownership initiative. (Ph.D. dissertation, George Washington University, 1996; revised with new preface, introduction, bibliography, and index)

At the turn of the twentieth century, African Americans eager to improve their lives through higher education were confronted with the divergent points of view of two great leaders: Booker T. Washington advocated vocational training, while W. E. B. Du Bois stressed the importance of the liberal arts. Into the fray stepped Nathan B. Young, who, as Antonio Holland now tells, left a lasting mark on that debate. Born in slavery in Alabama, Young followed a love of learning to degrees from Talladega and Oberlin Colleges and a career in higher education. Employed by Booker T. Washington in 1892, he served at Tuskegee Institute until conflict with Washington's vocational orientation led him to move on. During a brief tenure at Georgia State Industrial College under Richard R. Wright, Sr., he became disillusioned by efforts of whites to limit black education to agriculture and the trades. Hired as president of Florida A&M in 1901, he fought for twenty years to balance agricultural/vocational education with the liberal arts, only to meet with opposition from state officials that led to his ouster. This principled educator finally found his place as president of Lincoln University in Missouri in 1923. Here Young made a determined effort to establish the school as a standard institution of higher learning. Holland describes how he campaigned successfully to raise academic standards and gain accreditation for Lincoln's programs-successes made possible by the political and economic support of farsighted members of Missouri's black community. Holland shows that the great debate over black higher education was carried on not only in the rhetoric of Washington and Du Bois but also on the campuses, as Young and others sought to prepare African American students to become thinkers and creators. In tracing Young's career, Holland presents a wealth of information on the nature of the education provided for former slaves and their descendents in four states-shedding new light on the educational environment at Oberlin and Tuskegee-and on the actions of racist white government officials to limit the curriculum of public education for blacks. Although Young's efforts to improve the schools he served were often thwarted, Holland shows that he kept his vision alive in the black community. Holland's meticulous reconstruction of an eventful career provides an important look at the forces that shaped and confounded the development of black higher education during traumatic times.

The Struggle for Natural Resources traces the troubled history of Bolivia's land and commodity disputes across five centuries, combining local, regional, national, and transnational scales. Enriched by the extractivism and commodity frontiers approaches to world history, the book treats Bolivia's political struggles over natural resources as long-term processes that outlast immediate political events. Exploration of the Bolivian case invites dialogue and comparison with other parts of the world, particularly regions and countries of the so-called Global South. The book begins by examining three Bolivian resources at the center of political dispute since the early colonial period, namely land, water, and minerals. Carmen Soliz, Rossana Barragán, and Sarah Hines show that, as in the colonial and early republican past, these resources have remained the focus of political contention to the present day. Until the end of the nineteenth century, Bolivia's battle over natural resources was primarily concentrated in the highlands and inter-Andean valleys. Beginning in the 1860s, the bicycle and soon the automobile industries triggered demand for natural rubber found in the heart of the Amazon. José Orsag analyzes the impact of this extractive economy at the turn of the twentieth century. The book concludes by examining two resources that are central to understanding the last century of Bolivia's history. Kevin Young examines the fraught business of hydrocarbons, and Thomas Grisaffi analyzes the coca/cocaine circuit. Each chapter studies the social dynamics and political conflicts that shaped the processes of extraction, exchange, and ownership of each of these resources

"In its analysis of gender and class relations and their political forms, in giving voice to the many who have left only a fleeting trace in the historical record, Clark's study is a pioneering classic. . . . It also has a salience for many of our present social and political dilemmas."—Leonore Davidoff, Editor, Gender and History "Deeply researched, scholarly, serious, important. This is a big book that develops a significant new line of inquiry on a classic story in modern history—the making of the English working class. Clark shows in great and persuasive detail how we might read this tale through the lens of gender."—Thomas Laqueur, author of Making Sex

In this book, a new general model of delayed transitions to democracy is proposed and used to analyze Mexico's transition to democracy. This model attempts to explain the slow, gradual dynamics of change characteristic of delayed transitions to democracy and is developed in a way that makes it generalizable to other regional contexts. Utilizing both qualitative and quantitative data based on an original data set of forty thousand individual interviews, Schatz analyzes how the historical authoritarian corporate shaping of interests and forms of political consciousness has fractured the social base of the democratic opposition and inhibited democratizing social action. Using comparative cases of delayed transitions to democracy, the author's conclusions challenge and improve upon current theories of democratization. In elaborating a model for the delayed transition to democracy, the author argues that the emphasis on transformative industrialism in both political modernization and class-analytic theories of social bases of democratization is modeled too closely on the western European process of democratization to allow a full explanation of the case of Mexico's transition to democracy. In addition, she argues that a delayed transitions model provides a more adequate explanation of gradual transitions to democracy because such a model builds on a the insights of structural theories regarding the social bases of anti-authoritarian mobilization. To support the delayed transitions model, Schatz compares Mexico with Taiwan and Tanzania, countries also characterized by delayed transitions to democracy in the late twentieth century. This important book fills a considerable gap in the literature on democratization at the end of the century.