What China And India Once Were

In the early years of the twenty-first century, China and India have emerged as world powers. In many respects, this is a return to the historical norm for both countries. For much of the early modern period, China and India were global leaders in a variety of ways. In this book, prominent scholars seek to understand modern China and India through an unprecedented comparative analysis of their long histories. Using new sources, making new connections, and reexamining old assumptions, noted scholars of China and India pair up in each chapter to tackle major questions by combining their expertise. What China and India Once Were details how these two cultural giants arrived at their present state, considers their commonalities and divergences, assesses what is at stake in their comparison, and, more widely, questions whether European modernity provides useful contrasts. In jointly composed chapters, contributors explore ecology, polity, gender relations, religion, literature, science and technology, and more, to provide the richest comparative account ever offered of China and India before the modern era. What China and India Once Were establishes innovative frameworks for understanding the historical and cultural roots of East and South Asia in global context, drawing on the variety of Asian pasts to offer new ways of thinking about Asian presents.

This is one of those rare books that puts an entirely new light on a chapter of history, and it must be read by anyone concerned with international affairs. Although cool and scholarly it unrolls like a fascinating thriller. It is an important work of revisionist history and a gruesome study of the way in which wars start, superbly documented (largely from official Indian sources but also from secret Indian papers) and beautifully sustained. By showing how India led the world up the garden path it demolishes and throws to the wind a pillar of the 'contain China' doctrine -- the belief that in 1962 India was the victim of unprovoked Chinese aggression. Maxwell's book is magnificent on every count, an historical achievement of the first rank.

A free open access ebook is available upon publication. Learn more at www.luminosoa.org. The rise of China and India could be the most important political development of the twenty-first century. What will the foreign policies of China and India look like in the future? What should they look like? And what can each country learn from the other? Bridging Two Worlds gathers a coterie of experts in the field, analyzing profound political thinkers from these ancient regions whose theories of interstate relations set the terms for the debates today. This volume is the first work that systematically compares ancient thoughts and theories about international politics between China and India. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the growth of China and India and what it will mean for the rest of the world.

India, founded as a result of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) – established by the leadership of the victor-Mao of Chinese civil war in 1949 – were forced to face the fact that borders between India and PRC in the Himalayas were not demarcated. As India took over the British heritage in the area, border problems that had been pushed into the background due to conjunctural developments resurfaced. Having embraced the idea of ancient China by Mao’s PRC, a hard to overcome psychological barrier was created between two countries, led to a vortex of crises stemming from the border dispute. PRC and India fought in 1962 because of this problem and had a limited armed conflict in 1967. After a small-scale armed conflict in 1975, two nuclear weapons states proceeded to mitigate risks of unintended small- scale armed conflicts or crises turning into a full-scale war. Within this framework, due to protocols signed in accordance with parleys started in the 1980s, neither firearms nor bladed articles were used during the border crises since 1975 to this day and there were no casualties until June 15, 2020, Galwan Valley “unique” clash. Diplomatic negotiations, held after this clash did not provide a road map to end the crisis. Normalization in Galwan Valley could only be achieved through the mid of February 2021 with the help of global developments. Although troops were withdrawn from the disputed parts of Galwan Valley, parties could not come to an agreement on other regions. As the snow melted, the armies of both countries reinforced their borders. After the 2020 clash, in spite of messaging each other through media, proxies, and allies, both countries did not budge from their claims on borders. There are no implications of change on both parties’ classical discourse and strategical objectives. On the contrary, both countries are even more honed against each other. The Himalayas, the hot front of the new cold war is still a conflict zone. The biggest impediment to a new crisis in this region is the coronavirus pandemic. As the regional and global competition of two emerging countries continue, the PRC seems to be getting the upper hand by tackling the coronavirus pandemic and impelling its economy. By acquiring Russian Federation’s support, the PRC has been challenging QUAD alliance on several fronts and India in the Himalayas as well. Nevertheless, the hurricanes of tides that will face the PRC after the pandemic, are still being sown both by the West and QUAD alliance. The border dispute between the PRC and India is the most heated front of the cold war whose groundwork has been laid and probably, in the following period the first spark will be lit in the Himalayas.

The Routledge Handbook of China–India Relations provides a much-needed understanding of the important and complex relationship between India and China. Reflecting the consequential and multifaceted nature of the bilateral relationship, it brings together thirty-five original contributions by a wide range of experts in the field. The chapters show that China–India relations are more far-reaching and complicated than ever and marked by both conflict and cooperation. Following a thorough introduction by the Editors, the handbook is divided into seven parts which combine thematic and chronological principles: Historical overviews Culture and strategic culture: constructing the other Core bilateral conflicts Military relations Economy and development Relations with third parties China, India, and global order This handbook will be an essential reference work for scholars interested in International Relations, Asian Politics, Global Politics, and China–India relations.

The return of the once-dormant economies of China and India to dynamism and growth is one of the most remarkable stories in recent history. The two countries are home to nearly 40 percent of the world's population, but until recently neither had played an influential role in the contemporary global economy. In the past two decades, China and India have liberalized internal economic policy, treatment of foreign investment, and trade, and have experienced economic growth at sustained high rates. From the point of view of the United States, however, the most important development in the Chinese and Indian economies in the long term may be the strides they are making in developing their own domestic innovation capacities. After a long period of underinvestment, both countries have committed to growing their science and education systems to bolster research and further economic expansion. Some observers of the recent growth have said that both countries are surging in their efforts to spur innovation; others have emphasized the potential of one country over the other; and still others have suggested that both China and India have a long way to go before achieving innovation-driven growth. With such a range of views, The National Academies set out to describe developments in both countries, in relation to each other and the rest of the world, by organizing a conference in Washington, D.C. The conference, summarized in this volume, discussed recent changes at both the macroeconomic level and also in selected industries, and explored the causes and implications of those changes.

Ramachandra Guha’s India after Gandhi is a magisterial account of the pains, struggles, humiliations and glories of the world’s largest and least likely democracy. A riveting chronicle of the often brutal conflicts that have rocked a giant nation, and of the extraordinary individuals and institutions who held it together, it established itself as a classic when it was first published in 2007. In the last decade, India has witnessed, among other things, two general elections; the fall of the Congress and the rise of Narendra Modi; a major anti-corruption movement; more violence against women, Dalits, and religious minorities; a wave of prosperity for some but the persistence of poverty for others; comparative peace in Nagaland but greater discontent in Kashmir than ever before. This tenth anniversary edition, updated and expanded, brings the narrative up to the present. Published to coincide with seventy years of the country’s independence, this definitive history of modern India is the work of one of the world’s finest scholars at the height of his powers.

Chinese leaders once tried to suppress memories of their nation’s brutal experience during World War II. Now they celebrate the “victory”—a key foundation of China’s rising nationalism. For most of its history, the People’s Republic of China discouraged public discussion of the war against Japan. It was an experience of victimization—and one that saw Mao Zedong and Chiang Kai-shek fighting for the same goals. But now, as China grows more powerful, the meaning of the war is changing. Rana Mitter argues that China’s reassessment of the war years is central to its newfound confidence abroad and to mounting nationalism at home. China’s Good War begins with the academics who shepherded the once-taboo subject into wider discourse. Encouraged by reforms under Deng Xiaoping, they researched the Guomindang war effort, collaboration with the Japanese, and China’s role in forming the post-1945 global order. But interest in the war would not stay confined to scholarly journals. Today public sites of memory—including museums, movies and television shows, street art, popular writing, and social media—define the war as a founding myth for an ascendant China. Wartime China emerges as victor rather than victim. The shifting story has nurtured a number of new views. One rehabilitates Chiang Kai-shek’s war efforts, minimizing the bloody conflicts between him and Mao and aiming to heal the wounds of the Cultural Revolution. Another narrative positions Beijing as creator and protector of the international order that emerged from the war—an order, China argues, under threat today largely from the United States. China’s radical reassessment of its collective memory of the war has created a new foundation for a people destined to shape the world.