Democracy And Security In The 21st Century

At a time when even the foundations and pre-eminence of the Western order are called into question by both the weaknesses of the transatlantic partnership and the spectacular rise of the Asia-Pacific region, suggesting a switch to a post-Atlantic order, the contributors to this volume provide specific answers to present-day interrogations pertaining to various processes of transformation. This book offers multidisciplinary perspectives on political, economic, social, technological and cultural dimensions of change, and proposes various possible responses to current global and regional challenges.

The Phase I report on the emerging global security environment for the first quarter of the 21st century.

Tackles questions on how democracies can deliver social and economic rights, include all citizens in decision making and reduce poverty. This new publication is a two-volume set that explores ways in which democratic practice can contribute to the management of contemporary conflicts and promote the realization of security and development objectives. Volume I contains analysis and recommendations based on wide-ranging research and evaluation of lessons learned from democratization processes, past and ongoing. Volume II presents essays and case studies by leading specialists from around the world that further develop the themes and findings presented in Volume I. Democracy, Conflict and Human Security argues that effective democracy building moves beyond the process of elections and technical assistance and examines how democratic practice relates to human security. Governments may hold free elections but fall short in other democratic measures such as the separation of powers, the freedom of the press, and guarantees of human rights. These two volumes are aimed at practitioners, parliamentarians, politicians, government officials and policy makers concerned with problems such as social exclusion, the quality of democracy and new forms of authoritarian regimes.

This handbook explores how democracies around the world seek to balance democratic values with the requirement to protect their citizens from the threat of politically motivated violence. Over the past few decades, the majority of the world’s democracies have had to confront serious security threats, and in many instances these challenges have not come from rival states but from violent groups. This volume offers readers an overview of how some democracies have responded to such threats. It examines the extent to which authorities have felt compelled to modify laws to evade what would ordinarily be regarded as protected rights, such as personal privacy, freedom of movement and freedom of speech. Grounded in historical analysis, each of the sections addresses past and emerging security threats; legal and legislative responses to them; successful and unsuccessful efforts to reconcile democracy and security; and a range of theoretical questions. The case studies provided vary in terms of the durability of their democratic systems, level of economic development and the severity of the threats with which they have been confronted. The volume is divided into three thematic parts: Strong democracies: United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Australia, New Zealand and Israel Challenged democracies: India, South Africa, Brazil, Argentina and Romania Fragile democracies: the Philippines and Nigeria. This book will be of much interest to students of democracy, security studies, political philosophy, Asian politics, Middle Eastern politics, African politics, West European politics and IR in general.

The study of power is the nucleus of political science and international relations. As a shift of power from traditional industrial countries to emerging powers has been perceived since the turn of the century, this book aims to present innovative theoretical and empirical approaches that can increase our understanding of this transition. Scholars from the fields of international relations, international political economy, economics and security studies not only explore current theoretical debates on ‘power’ and ‘power shifts’ among entities, but also provide fresh insights into relevant aspects of international power in the 21st century. With a particular focus on aspects of international security, trade and production, new methods of identifying power and its sources are presented, and their potential implications and challenges are discussed.

All aspire to liberty and security in their lives but few people truly enjoy them. This book explains why this is so. In what Conor Gearty calls our 'neo-democratic' world, the proclamation of universal liberty and security is mocked by facts on the ground: the vast inequalities in supposedly free societies, the authoritarian regimes with regular elections, and the terrible socio-economic deprivation camouflaged by cynically proclaimed commitments to human rights. Gearty's book offers an explanation of how this has come about, providing also a criticism of the present age which tolerates it. He then goes on to set out a manifesto for a better future, a place where liberty and security can be rich platforms for everyone's life. The book identifies neo-democracies as those places which play at democracy so as to disguise the injustice at their core. But it is not just the new 'democracies' that have turned 'neo', the so-called established democracies are also hurtling in the same direction, as is the United Nations. A new vision of universal freedom is urgently required. Drawing on scholarship in law, human rights and political science this book argues for just such a vision, one in which the great achievements of our democratic past are not jettisoned as easily as were the socialist ideals of the original democracy-makers.

"After our examination of the new strategic environment of the next quarter century (Phase I) and of a strategy to address it (Phase II), this Commission concludes that significant changes must be made in the structures and processes of the U.S. national security apparatus. Our institutional base is in decline and must be rebuilt. Otherwise, the United States risks losing its global influence and critical leadership role. We offer recommendations for organizational change in five key areas: ensuring the security of the American homeland; recapitalizing America's strengths in science and education; redesigning key institutions of the Executive Branch; overhauling the U.S. government's military and civilian personnel systems; and reorganizing Congress's role in national security affairs"--P. xiii.