Fear Hate And Victimhood

When Donald Trump announced his campaign for president in 2015, journalists, historians, and politicians alike attempted to compare his candidacy to that of Governor George Wallace. Like Trump, Wallace, who launched four presidential campaigns between 1964 and 1976, utilized rhetoric based in resentment, nationalism, and anger to sway and eventually captivate voters among America’s white majority. Though separated by almost half a century, the campaigns of both Wallace and Trump broke new grounds for political partisanship and divisiveness. In Fear, Hate, and Victimhood: How George Wallace Wrote the Donald Trump Playbook, author Andrew E. Stoner conducts a deep analysis of the two candidates, their campaigns, and their speeches and activities, as well as their coverage by the media, through the lens of demagogic rhetoric. Though past work on Wallace argues conventional politics overcame the candidate, Stoner makes the case that Wallace may in fact be a prelude to the more successful Trump campaign. Stoner considers how ideas about “in-group” and “out-group” mentalities operate in politics, how anti-establishment views permeate much of the rhetoric in question, and how expressions of victimhood often paradoxically characterize the language of a leader praised for “telling it like it is.” He also examines the role of political spectacle in each candidate’s campaigns, exploring how media struggles to respond to—let alone document—demagogic rhetoric. Ultimately, the author suggests that the Trump presidency can be understood as an actualized version of the Wallace presidency that never was. Though vast differences exist, the demagogic positioning of both men provides a framework to dissect these times—and perhaps a valuable warning about what is possible in our highly digitized information society.

Besides generating wealth, globalization makes victims, including victims of new forms of crime. In this edited book of scholarly essays, international lawyers and criminologists reflect on the legal challenges posed by these dark sides of globalization. Examples include transnational organised crime, human trafficking and corruption, cyber crimes, international terrorism, global corporate crime and cross-border environmental crimes. The authors reflect on the limits of domestic systems of justice in providing protection, empowerment and redress to the victims of these emerging forms of global insecurity. They argue for the need of better international or supra-national institutional arrangements such as legal instruments and actions of the United Nations or regional organizations such as the European Union. In part I Jan Van Dijk and Rianne Letschert present an overview of trends in criminal victimization against the backdrop of globalization using a unique set of statistical indicators. By placing this issue in the framework of the human security concept, the authors draw out its broader political and normative implications. Theologist Ralf Bodelier explains how modern communication technologies have heightened sensitivities among the general public for human insecurities anywhere in the world. In his view, a new global conscience is in the making that may become the cornerstone of international solidarity and action. Marc Groenhuijsen and Rianne Letschert describe the emergence of national and international legal and institutional arrangements to offer remedies to victims of crime in an era of globalization. In part II a selection of experts analyse the specific issues surrounding the protection and empowerment of victims of different types of international crimes such as human trafficking, organised crime/corruption, terrorism, global corporate crime and cross border environmental crimes. In part III focused attention is given to the special challenges and opportunities of protecting and assisting crime victims in cyberspace. Part IV deals with emerging victim issues in humanitarian law such as the accountability of private military companies and the implementation of the ambitious victim provisions in the statute of the International Criminal Court including the establishment of a global fund for reparations. In the final part of the book some of its core authors formulate their ideas about the international institutional arrangements that should be put in place to offer justice to the victims of globalization. A concrete proposal is made for the transformation of the United Nations 1985 Declaration on the Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power into a full-fledged UN convention. In the final chapter further proposals are made for the increased involvement of regional organisations such as the European Union in the protection of victims of global crime.

The truth does not just set us free; it will keep us free. In A Nation of Haters and Victims, author Ruth E. Todd demonstrates the importance of seeking the truth about issues, events, and policies affecting the country. A Nation of Haters and Victims details how the United States is becoming a nation of haters and victims. Haters and victims have permeated our society and created a national malaise that makes us unable to think clearly. Because we have stopped thinking for ourselvesrelying on the media and other sources to tell us what to thinkour national character has been changed. But, Todd, a longtime observer of people, politics, and current events, shows that it is not too late to take the country back from the haters and victims. A Nation of Haters and Victims provides solid steps for reversing the trend of victimhood and hate in order to become a nation of thinkers, hopers, and doers. Readers of the book have said that I am challenging modern media and that I am brave to do so. I want people to think for themselves and research the truth and facts and not listen to the half-truths or what someone wants us to believe. It is time we remember who we are and what made us the country of choice for so many immigrants.

"Concern for the victims of crime first emerged with the formation of the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board in 1964. This has continued with the increase in crime rates since the 1970s and 1980s and in the aftermath of a number of high profile trials. In this book Sandra Walklate offers an introduction to the key theoretical, methodological and substantive issues in victimology and criminal victimization. She situates the contemporary preoccupation with criminal victimization within the broader social and cultural changes of the last twenty-five years. Written in the context of post-September 11, and alongside the events in Madrid of 2004 and London in July 2005, it questions who can be considered a victim of crime and what the response to such victimization might look like." -- BOOK JACKET.

Intractable conflict is a protracted, violent and long-time struggle, wherein generation after generation is socially conditioned to continue fighting. To break the chain of destruction, a revolutionary peacemaking process is required. This book serves as an introduction to the study of peacemaking revolutions, which are necessary to build a peaceful and well-functioning society in desperate intractable conflict situations. The challenge of peacemaking revolution is to turn opposing parties into a peacemaking community. A peacemaking community offers political platforms to involve the different societal elements of the opposing parties in the struggle for change. It offers a consensus-building process that approaches the conflict from different sides, dimensions and directions. This book provides a fresh perspective to the study of destructive social conflicts, their transformation, and resolution. It will serve to provoke a critical discussion among those who are interested in the new emerging study of peacemaking revolutions.

Disrupting Hate in Education aims to identify and respond to the ideological forms of hate and fear that are present in schools, which echo larger nativist and populist agendas. Contributions to this volume are international in scope, providing powerful examples from US schools and communities, examining anti-extremism work in the UK, the "saffronization" of schools in India, struggles to re-orient the villainization of teachers in Brazil, and more. Written by a dynamic group of activist educators and critical researchers, chapters demonstrate how conservative mobilizations around collective identities gain momentum, and how these mobilizations can be interrupted. Out of these interruptions come new opportunities to practice a critically democratic education that hinges upon risk-taking, deep dialogue, and creating a space for common dignity.

The Rise of Victimhood Culture offers a framework for understanding recent moral conflicts at U.S. universities, which have bled into society at large. These are not the familiar clashes between liberals and conservatives or the religious and the secular: instead, they are clashes between a new moral culture—victimhood culture—and a more traditional culture of dignity. Even as students increasingly demand trigger warnings and “safe spaces,” many young people are quick to police the words and deeds of others, who in turn claim that political correctness has run amok. Interestingly, members of both camps often consider themselves victims of the other. In tracking the rise of victimhood culture, Bradley Campbell and Jason Manning help to decode an often dizzying cultural milieu, from campus riots over conservative speakers and debates around free speech to the election of Donald Trump.

While the literature of hybrid regimes has given up the presumption that post-communist countries must democratize, its language and concepts still mostly relate to Western democracies. Magyar and Madlovics strongly argue for a vocabulary and grammar tailored to the specifics of the region. In 120 theses they unfold a conceptual framework with (1) a typology of post-communist regimes and (2) a detailed presentation of ideal-type actors and the political, economic, and social phenomena in these regimes. The book is a more digestible companion to the 800-page The Anatomy of Post-Communist Regimes (CEU Press, 2020), which was a detailed theoretical study with plenty of empirical illustrations. Each of the 120 theses contains a statement and its concise discussion supported by illustrative tables, figures, and QR-codes that connect the interested reader to the more detailed analysis in the Anatomy. In a condensed variety, this book has kept the holistic approach of the Anatomy and treats the spheres of political, market, and communal action as parts of a single, coherent whole. The endeavor to synthesize a vast range of ideas does not, however, result in a too complicated text. On the contrary, freed from the implicit presumptions of democracy theory, the new terminology yields a readily usable toolkit of unambiguous means of expression to speak about post-communism.