France And The Arabian Gulf

France has had a long-standing and historically significant relationship with the Arab World. This relationship is bolstered by the growing volume of bilateral trade between France and the GCC states. From the French perspective, the Gulf states are major partners and interlocutors, hence political dialogue remains intense at all levels. Interpersonal relations remain positive, being rooted in friendship and confidence. Furthermore, France and the Gulf states hold convergent positions on almost all regional issues. There are growing commercial flows between the GCC states and France, which mainly imports oil and gas from these states. However, a more stable partnership can be established through investment. To encourage this, a legal framework is imperative to ensure the security of assets and fair returns on investments. French security commitments manifest themselves in three ways: through support in the fight against terrorism, contributions to the defense capacities of the GCC countries and a willingness to participate in a collective system to safeguard Gulf security. Since 1995, France has entered into defense agreements with Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE, and carefully monitors their implementation. Every Middle Eastern conflict is approached by France in a different way, based on the international situation and its past relations with the countries involved. Sometimes France opts to work on a bilateral basis (such as in Lebanon and Iraq), and sometimes within a multilateral framework. Nevertheless there are common attitudes and enduring principles that guide French engagement in the Middle East. French military cooperation in the GCC states is most developed with the UAE, followed by Qatar. Defense agreements concluded between France and these two Gulf states commit France to the defense of their sovereignty. In addition, regular high level military exercises and strategic exchanges take place via the joint military committees constituted under these bilateral defense agreements. Defense cooperation with the UAE, boosted to a great extent by the Offset Program, has opened up new avenues for cooperation in other economic and strategic fields. Although bilateral defense cooperation reached its apogee in the 1990s and now faces serious competition from the United States, such cooperation allowed major French industries in sectors such as water, electricity, transportation and communications, as well as health and education to export their expertise and participate in the training of local companies. The GCC has long sought to maintain and expand cooperative ties with the European Union (EU), which largely inspired its own model for regional integration. The political will to enhance EU–GCC cooperation appears to be present on both sides and is based on the recognition of common interests. Reinforced cooperation between the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council is an important element in facilitating constructive exchanges on the stabilization of the Middle East, the resolution of crises and a reorientation towards a multi-polar world order. Ultimately, bilateral French–Arab cooperation to defend their respective cultures must be preceded by close cultural relations between the parties and a spirit of equality, generosity and mutual desire.

The lecture focuses on historical and current aspects of the relationship between France and the Arab World and addresses differences in French and US foreign policies toward Arab states as are currently highlighted by divergent positions on recent critical developments in the Middle East and the Gulf region. French policy towards the Middle East and the Gulf region is embedded in the wide context of a long-standing French interest and of historically grown relations between France and the Arab world. After the Second World War, General Charles de Gaulle reaffirmed a policy of national independence of which one of the pillars was the strengthening of secular relations with the Arab World. Economic relations, that would support the economies in the region, were seen as promoting stability and strengthening political ties. President Chirac’s re-election in 2002 should allow for a significant boost to France’s Arab policy which is all the more predictable in that it is an expression of a traditional doctrine of inter-state balance, a political philosophy of independence and equality, and a strategic choice that is based on and favoring the principle of multipolarity.

Even whether to call the Gulf 'Arabian' or 'Persian' is an unending argument. Regardless of its name, the Gulf is one of the most politically important regions of the world. Despite its constant presence in the headlines, the fact that it was part of the British Indian empire for many years has gone unappreciated. The long period of British control and the connections with India are, in fact, necessary in understanding the contemporary Middle East. With more than ten years of experience as a government advisor in Saudi Arabia and Qatar, Paul Rich draws on previously closed archives to document the actual heritage of the area and dispel the myths. Rich shows that the influences of Britain and India are far deeper than commonly acknowledged, and that the sheikhs are actually the creation of the British Raj. He explains that they owe their thrones to a small group of British political agents_the 'Heaven Born'_who created the satraps and then proceeded to rule from behind the scenes by a clever use of stagecraft and ritual that was heavily flavored by their experiences at English public schools and in Masonic lodges. In its attempt to make sense of the complexity of Arab sheikhdoms in the Gulf, Creating the Arabian Gulf is an ideal book for students and scholars interested in Middle East studies and international relations.

This book outlines the state of play in maritime security in the Gulf and provides a historical perspective to current issues while also surveying different mechanisms for Gulf maritime security, both at the collective and individual state levels. The book addresses a number of questions related to maritime security in the Gulf States, such as what are the main threats facing maritime security? Do the Arab Gulf States have the necessary naval capabilities to confront these maritime security threats? What are the efforts that the Arab Gulf States have made in order to maintain their maritime security? What are the regional frameworks through which the Arab Gulf States can address maritime security threats? And what are the obstacles hindering the Arab Gulf States’ efforts to maintain maritime security? This book would be a valuable read for Gulf Cooperation Council States, the ministries of defense in the Arabian Gulf countries, security institutions, the Arabian Gulf countries’ military academies, thinks tanks and universities in the six Gulf States, Western think thanks concerned with the Arabian Gulf region, and scholars specializing in Arabian Gulf countries.

This book focuses on security dynamics in the contemporary Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. It highlights the development of the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula, the contemporary challenges and opportunities confronting the principal powers that are active in this important sub-region, and analyzes and evaluates their policy responses. The various perspectives of the chapters all suggest that the stability and security of the Gulf sub-region is now and will continue in the future to be of vital importance to the global community. The chapters that compose the volume are organized into three thematic sections. Part I, ‘Security Challenges and Power Configurations in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula: The Historical Context’, comprises three chapters. Part II, consisting of seven chapters, is entitled, ‘Contemporary Security Challenges and Opportunities in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula.’ Part III, ‘Contemporary National Interests, Objectives, and Strategies of the Major Powers in the Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula’, comprises five chapters. Finally, the volume ends with a concluding chapter. Unfortunately, the contemporary unstable, heterogeneous Gulf sub-region is fraught with extremely serious and often urgent challenges that threaten the sub-region’s security. This volume helps to illuminate the nature of the sub-regional environment and the contemporary challenges and opportunities that confront the various powers that are active in the Gulf. It also contributes to a greater understanding of the interests, contemporary objectives, and strategies of those powers as they formulate and implement policies in response to the challenges and opportunities that they confront. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, Middle Eastern politics and International Relations.

Study of problems connected with the legal status of Arab country, with particular reference to problems arising from their treaty relations and international relations - covers historical aspects of the protective role of UK in the area, accession to independence, aspects of international law, position within the framework of the UN, boundary disputes and territorial claims, foreign policy, the role of multinational enterprises of the petroleum industry, etc. Bibliography pp. 332 to 343.