Making A Nation Breaking A Nation

This book focuses on the cultural processes by which the idea of a Yugoslav nation was developed and on the reasons that this idea ultimately failed to bind the South Slavs into a viable nation and state. The author argues that the collapse of multinational Yugoslavia and the establishment of separate uninational states did not result from the breakdown of the political or economic fabric of the Yugoslav state; rather, that breakdown itself sprang from the destruction of the concept of a Yugoslav nation. Had such a concept been retained, a collapse of political authority would have been followed by the eventual reconstitution of a Yugoslav state, as happened after World War II, rather than the creation of separate nation-states. Because the author emphasizes nation building rather than state building, the causes and evidence he cites for Yugoslavia’s collapse differ markedly from those that have previously been put forward. He concentrates on culture and cultural politics in the South Slavic lands from the mid-nineteenth century to the present in order to delineate those ideological mechanisms that helped lay the foundation for the formation of a Yugoslav nation in the first place, sustained the nation during its approximately seventy-year existence, and led to its dissolution. The book describes the evolution of the idea of Yugoslav national unity in four major areas: linguistic policies geared to creating a shared national language, the promulgation of a Yugoslav literary and artistic canon, an educational policy that emphasized the teaching of literature and history in schools, and the production of new literary and artistic works incorporating a Yugoslav view. In the book’s conclusion, the author discusses the relevance of the Yugoslav case for other parts of the world, considering whether the triumph of particularist nationalism is inevitable in multinational states.

The role of women, as well as men, in the process of national generation: politically, economically and culturally.

After the conflagration of Tito’s Yugoslavia a medley of new and not-so-new states rose from the ashes. Some of the Yugoslav successor states have joined, or are about to enter, the European Union, while others are still struggling to define their national borders, symbols, and relationships with neighbouring states. Strategies of Symbolic Nation-building in South Eastern Europe expands upon the existing body of nationalism studies and explores how successful these nation-building strategies have been in the last two decades. Relying on new quantitative research results, the contributors offer interdisciplinary analyses of symbolic nation-building in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia to show that whereas the citizens of some states have reached a consensus about the nation-building project other states remain fragmented and uncertain of when the process will end. A must-read not only for scholars of the region but policy makers and others interested in understanding the complex interplay of history, symbolic politics, and post-conflict transition.

The book explores the nexus of intellectual activity and nation-building from a critical discourse-analytical perspective. By examining how public intellectuals from Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina commented on key national events in editorials and opinion pieces, it offers unique insights into contemporary nation-building discourses in an enlarging Europe. Through a detailed reconstruction of the debates concerning the selected events, the book also provides fresh empirical evidence of the implications and challenges of post-socialist transition, post-conflict reconciliation, democratisation and European integration in the post-Yugoslav region. Its versatile framework, which innovatively combines sociological and linguistic approaches to the discursive positioning of intellectuals, may be readily applied to the analysis of intellectual engagement with current affairs and public life in general.

This book argues that religious affiliation was the most influential shaper of communal identity in the Ottoman era.

The Yugoslav War of Succession had untold ramifications for those living in the embattled region. What often goes overlooked, however, is the impact that the war had on people from the former Yugoslavia who were living abroad. We are Now a Nation considers the effect that the war and the independence of Croatia had on Croatian diaspora-homeland relations. In doing so, it confronts complex questions of ideology, nostalgia, social suffering, nationalism, and identity politics as manifested in the relationship between diaspora and homeland Croats. Daphne Winland draws upon extensive, multi-sited ethnographic research in both Toronto and Croatia from 1992 to the present, exploring the problematic nature of Croatian identity. The occasion of Croatian independence, she suggests, resulted in the emergence of a politics of 'desire' and 'disdain,' which further complicated efforts to define 'Croatness' (Hrvatstvo) both at home and abroad. The idea of the Croatian homeland has become, therefore, an ambiguous space of identification, a source of either conflict and tension or unity and pride, a place to remember, to forget, or to return to. The first book-length examination of North American Croatian diaspora responses to war and independence, We are Now a Nation highlights the contradictions and paradoxes of contemporary debates about identity, politics, and place.

The essays in the volume consider the significance of nation and gender in the context of post-1989 transitions in the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia and in the context of post-partition India. The texts critique the ways in which narratives of nationhood and womanhood naturalize and essentialize difference and hierarchy. The authors explore uses of sexualized/gendered imagery in defining the space of the nation and sexualized/gendered metaphors of state fatherhood and motherhood in defining the distribution of power within that space. of the nation (e.g. feminized landscapes and battlefields) and sexualized /gendered metaphors of state fatherhood and motherhood in defining the distribution of power within that space. The particular histories of nationalism and partition are different in the countries involved, but commonalities in the narrative structures, state ad nation-building strategies, patriarchal patterns of control, and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion are striking. This is particularly so with respect to the ways in which exclusive national identities are constituted through gendered representations of the nation and its members.

Jasna Dragovi -Soso asks why this strong and apparently democratic opposition movement subsequently turned towards an extreme form of nationalism and had by the end of the 1980s accepted Miloševi 's undemocratic policies. Based on the author's extensive primary source research and interviews with key protagonists, Saviours of the Nation examines both the causes and the consequences of the opposition's transformation into a nationalist force. Highlighting the role of historical context, it argues that three main factors contributed to the intellectuals' elaboration of a radical nationalist ideology: abandonment of cultural "Yugoslavism" in conjunction with the post-Tito crisis of the state, difficulties in solving the thorny "Kosovo question," and relationships between the dissidents and their Slovenian counterparts. Soso also includes a thorough analysis of the "Memorandum" of the Serbian Academy and the intellectuals' relations with Miloševi . She argues that the intellectual opposition's search for Serbian statehood at any price undermined its ability to present a convincing political alternative, allowing the regime to overcome its crisis of legitimacy and continue its reckless and belligerent policies.