Neoliberal Globalisation And Resistance From Below

As bearers of their own emancipation, the political agency of the subaltern classes is a vexed question, a time-honoured one at that. Why do the subalterns endure injustices without revolting most of the time, but revolt sometimes against some injustices? The euphoria of ’globalisation-from-below’, this book argues, skirts responsibility of addressing this question by presuming a groundswell of resistance across the world against neoliberal globalisation. In contrast to this oeuvre, Neoliberal Globalisation and Resistance from Below engages this question squarely by using the socio-historical approach to explain why the subalterns resist neoliberal globalisation in Bolivia and not in Ghana. The author urges scholars of critical political economy to pay greater attention to why the subalterns resist, rather than how they resist, or what the ideal end of their resistance should be. Such refocusing of the research and political lens will yield a more realistic picture of what is politically possible in the social context of peripheral capitalism regarding an anti-capitalist revolution. The author further argues that this refocusing will cure many of the romantic anti-capitalist claims and banal wishful thinking of a socialist revolution in peripheral capitalist regions such as Latin American, The Middle East and North Africa (MENA), and Sub-Saharan Africa. Neoliberal Globalisation and Resistance from Below will be of interest to students and scholars of African politics, neoliberalism, globalisation, political economy and subaltern politics.

Here James Mittelman explains the systemic dynamics and myriad consequences of globalization, focusing on the interplay between globalizing market forces, in some instances guided by the state, and the needs of society. Mittelman finds that globalization is hardly a unified phenomenon but rather a syndrome of processes and activities: a set of ideas and a policy framework. More specifically, globalization is propelled by a changing division of labor and power, manifested in a new regionalism, and challenged by fledgling resistance movements. The author argues that a more complete understanding of globalization requires an appreciation of its cultural dimensions. From this perspective, he considers the voices of those affected by this trend, including those who resist it and particularly those who are hurt by it. The Globalization Syndrome is among the first books to present a holistic and multilevel analysis of globalization, connecting the economic to the political and cultural, joining agents and multiple structures, and interrelating different local, regional, and global arenas. Mittelman's findings are drawn mainly from the non-Western worlds. He provides a cross-regional analysis of Eastern Asia, an epicenter of globalization, and Southern Africa, a key node in the most marginalized continent. The evidence shows that while offering many benefits to some, globalization has become an uneasy correlation of deep tensions, giving rise to a range of alternative scenarios.

"What is to be done? That is the issue political movements, social thinkers, economists, and governments all over the world must now confront. Without trying to propose specific policies, the author puts forward a highly suggestive set of principles and ideas."--BOOK JACKET.

Brecher, Costello, and Smith chart out a dynamic and innovative strategy for building the movement to challenge unchecked coporate globalization.

Rejecting economic determinism, this book sets out to establish the centrality of "the political" globalization. In a wide-ranging set of essays, distinguished contributors explore the new "strategies of resistance" emerging on local, national, regional, and global scales. The authors engage in critical rethinking of what practices now constitute viable political strategies in the world economy, focusing on popular responses to neoliberal globalization and the rearticulation of society, politics, and the state.

This book critically examines the responses of the working classes of the world to the challenges posed by the neoliberal restructuring of the global economy. Neoliberal globalisation, the book argues, has created new forms of polarisation in the world. A renewal of working class internationalism must address the situation of both the more privileged segments of the working class and the more impoverished ones. The study identifies new or renewed labour responses among formalised core workers as well as those on the periphery, including street-traders, homeworkers and other 'informal sector' workers. The book contains ten country studies, including India, China, South Korea, Japan, Germany, Sweden, Canada, South Africa, Argentina and Brazil. It argues that workers and trade unions, through intensive collaboration with other social forces across the world, can challenge the logic of neoliberal globalization.

This book examines how Rwandan elites within the government, private sector and civil society perceive the nation’s political and economic relationship with the international community. Using testimonies and interviews of Rwandan political, military and economic leaders, and bureaucrats, this book examines the intersubjective beliefs that formulate how Rwanda engages with the international community. The book presents and analyses three primary intersubjective themes: historical and possible future abandonment of Rwanda; implementing an ideology of agaciro to promote self-respect, dignity and self-reliance for state security and economic development; and the belief in the government’s obligation to promote human security for those who identify as ‘Rwandan’. These perceptions help us understand how post-genocide Rwanda engages with the international community in the pursuit of state security, economic development and to prevent a future genocide. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of African politics and international relations as well as the politics of post-genocide states.

This book analyses Flight-Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings’ plans for radical democratisation in Ghana, involving ordinary people directly in the country’s political and economic decision-making processes. Rawlings came to power in Ghana in late 1981 determined to restructure the characteristics of Ghana's political and economic systems. Despite Rawlings’ aim to bring ordinary Ghanaians into the decision-making process, his regime was still heavily dependent on the support of the military and attempts at direct democracy ultimately ended in failure. Outside analysts have viewed his plans as one of Africa’s most draconian economic reform programmes. The book traces this turbulent period of Ghana’s history, showing Rawlings’ development from a fiery revolutionary to a democracy-supporting politician adept at winning elections. It investigates how, despite frequent coup attempts and the loss of most of its original civilian support base, the regime was able to remain in power, overseeing a halt to economic decline and a return to growth. Building on over thirty years of research, including contemporaneous interviews conducted by the author during Ghana’s ‘revolutionary’ period, this book will be of interest to researchers of African history and politics.