Party Systems And Foreign Policy Change In Liberal Democracies

How do political parties affect foreign policy? This book answers this question by exploring the role of party politics as source of foreign policy change in liberal democracies. The book shifts the focus from individual political parties to party systems as the context in which parties’ ideologies receive precise content and their preferences are formed. The central claim is that foreign policy change arises from within transformed discursive contexts of party competition, when a new language of politics that constitutes anew parties’ self-understanding of what they stand for and compete over emerges in a party system. By comparing cases of contested foreign policy change, the book shows how such transformations in party competition determine whether and when international pressures on a state will translate into decisions to institute foreign policy change and what degree of change will be ultimately implemented. With a novel framework which bridges concepts of international relations and comparative politics, the book will be of interest to researchers and students in the areas of international relations theory, foreign policy analysis and comparative politics, and generally to anyone wanting to understand how and when parties, elections and voters contribute to international change.

First published in 1988, Parties and Party Systems in Liberal Democracies considers the extent and ways in which Western European and North American parties and party systems changed in the 1970s and 1980s after decades of relative stability. It examines changes in the nature and organisation of parties and relates this to changes in electoral behaviour and to wider social and economic change. It concentrates on political parties as actors and the ways in which they maintain themselves and respond to the moves and gambits of both established and newer parties and to the increasingly numerous and vociferous single interest pressure groups. One important argument put forward is that many social and economic changes have had a minimal impact because established parties have been able to adapt by redefining issues in their favour and have also been able to rely on residual support and access to patronage. This engaging volume will have strong appeal for courses in political science, government, political behaviour and history.

This book takes a close look inside political parties, bringing together the findings of an international team of leading scholars. Building on a unique set of cross-national data on party organizations, the contributors set out to explain how parties organize, how they have changed and how they have adapted to the changing political and organizational circumstances in which they find themselves. The contributors are recognized authorities on the party systems of their countries, and have all been involved in gathering data on party membership, party finance and the internal structure of power. They add to the analysis of these original data an expert knowledge of the wider political patterns in their countries, and thus p

Political parties have only recently become a subject of investigation in normative political theory. Parties have traditionally been studied by political scientists in their organizational features and in relation to the analysis of related topics such as party systems and electoral systems. Little attention, however, was paid until recently to the normative assumptions that underlie partisanship and party politics. Are parties desirable for democratic politics? How should liberal democracies deal with extremist and/or anti-democratic parties? Do religious parties undermine the secular distinction between religion and politics and is that bad for liberal democracies? These are only some of the many questions that political theorists had left unanswered for a long time. The papers in this collection aim to provide a twofold contribution to the normative analysis of partisanship. On the one hand, they aim to offer a first much needed ‘state of the art’ of the existing research in this area. Many of the contributors have already done extensive research on partisanship and their pieces partly reflect their research expertise and individual approaches to this topic. On the other hand, all pieces move beyond the authors’ existing work and represent significant additions to the normative literature on partisanship, thus setting the standards for future research in this area. This book was published as a special issue of Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.

From Austria to New Zealand, coalition governments often pave the road to foreign policy. In Western Europe, nearly 90 percent of postwar governments include two or more political parties. Israel, the Middle East’s only consolidated democracy according to many, has never experienced single-party rule in its history. Even the United Kingdom, known for its long streak of single-party rule, now navigates multiparty cabinets. Coalitions are everywhere, but we still have little understanding of how they act in foreign affairs. History shows that coalitions can sometime engage in powerful international commitments such as participating in military operations, but at other times, they postpone their decisions, water down their policy positions, or promise to do less than they otherwise would. What explains these differences in behavior? Governing Abroad unpacks the little-known world of coalition governments to find out. Oktay argues that the specific constellation of parties in government explains why some coalitions can make more assertive foreign policy decisions than others. Building on the rich literature in political science on coalitions, legislatures, and voting behavior, the book weaves together sophisticated statistical analyses of foreign policy events across thirty European countries alongside in-depth case studies from Denmark, the Netherlands, and Finland. It brings political parties back into the study of foreign policy, demonstrating that the size of the coalition, the ideological proximity of the governing parties, and their relationship with the parliamentary opposition together influence the government’s ability to act in the international arena. This book challenges our existing perceptions about the constraints and weaknesses of coalition governments. It sheds new light on the conditions that allow them to act decisively abroad.

Democracy and Foreign Policy: The Fallacy of Political Realism challenges the belief that liberal democracy is incompatible with a wise and effective foreign policy. Miroslav Nincic demonstrates that if any such incompatibility exists, it is rooted in the incentives of professional politicians rather than in the impulses that drive the public and its legislative representatives. When we look at the intersection of U.S. domestic political arrangements and the nation's foreign policy, our gaze is often misdirected by erroneous and often harmful assumptions about the appropriate domestic setting for the conduct of foreign affairs. First, Nincic focuses on the effect of democratic practices and institutions on the efficacy and wisdom of international dealings, especially with rival nations. Nincic next examines the pursuit and consequences on some of the central aspects of our democracy, including the balance of power between the executive and legislative branches, civil liberties, and government openness. A challenge to political realists' contention that democracy impedes the sound conduct of foreign policy, Democracy and Foreign Policy will be of particular interest to scholars and policymakers in international relations, U.S. foreign policy, and diplomatic history.

The Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies offers a state-of-the-art assessment of the functioning of political representation in liberal democracies. In 34 chapters the world's leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation address eight broad themes: The concept and theories of political representation, its history and the main requisites for its development; elite orientations and behavior; descriptive representation; party government and representation; non-electoral forms of political participation and how they relate to political representation; the challenges to representative democracy originating from the growing importance of non-majoritarian institutions and social media; the rise of populism and its consequences for the functioning of representative democracy; the challenge caused by economic and political globlization: what does it mean for the functioning of political representation at the national leval and is it possible to develop institutions of representative democracy at a level above the state that meet the normative criteria of representative democracy and are supported by the people? The various chapters offer a comprehensive review of the literature on the various aspects of political representation. The main organizing principle of the Handbook is the chain of political representation, the chain connecting the interests and policy preferences of the people to public policy via political parties, parliament, and government. Most of the chapters assessing the functioning of the chain of political representation and its various links are based on original comparative political research. Comparative research on political representation and its various subfields has developed dramatically over the last decades so that even ten years ago a Handbook like this would have looked totally different.

This book analyses the changing pressures and demands placed on the party systems in eleven countries of Western Europe since 1945. It includes studies of the party system in the 'big four' Western European countries: Britain, France, Italy and Germany, as well as the systems in Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Sweden, Austria, Belgium and the Netherlands. Five major themes are examined in each chapter: the broad development of the party system, including a discussion of how different party system typologies have been applied in each country; a detailed discussion of the historical background to party system development; the most important contextual variables in terms of the 'electoral environment' within which the party system operates; the degree of 'unfreezing' of the party system since 1945 and the changing balance between stability and change; and, finally, major questions of change and adaptation which bring the chapters up to the present. The book is important for its identification of broad trends within the mature, Western European party systems. The analyses are up-to-date and empirical, emphasizing the further 'defreezing' in the party systems that has occurred in the 1990s.