The French Enlightenment In America

The French Enlightenment in America offers an overview of French American cultural relations during the French Enlightenment. The essays in this volume explore the literary presence of French authors in America between 1760 and 1800 and the reception of their writings by the Founding Fathers and other Americans. These essays explore such topics as the Founding Fathers’ knowledge of French, the philosophes, Voltaire in the South, and more. The Georgia Open History Library has been made possible in part by a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities: Democracy demands wisdom. Any views, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this collection, do not necessarily represent those of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Freedom in French Enlightenment Thought examines how five eighteenth-century French theorists - Montesquieu, Diderot, Rousseau, Voltaire, and Condorcet - kindled the flame of freedom in America and France. Each thinker laid down a building block that would eventually inspire the language in constitutions around the world. They held that citizens have certain inalienable rights that are dictated by natural law and endowed to all by our Creator; that these rights include equality before the law, justice, safety and security of persons and property, and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion. Montesquieu recommended three separate branches of government that function independently of each other. Diderot held that there is no true sovereign, except the nation; that there is no true legislator, except the people. Rousseau advised that the individual will must be subordinate to the general will and private interest to that of the community: he warned against legislators who act from their own financial interests and enact laws to aggrandize themselves. Voltaire believed that selfishness, greed, and the desire for luxury are not only part of human nature, but that they compel people to achieve, trade with others, search, explore, and invent: the passions are the engine that makes capitalism run and that stimulate all human endeavor. Condorcet, a champion of civil rights, boldly proclaimed equality for women, blacks, and the poor. The philosophes held that free and universal public education will permit more citizens to participate in the progress of the arts and sciences and will improve the standard of living among all strata of society. An unrestrained press permits citizens to make informed decisions. Their polemics have indeed changed the face of the world.

Readers who know the last new Thomas Jefferson, the one who appeared in the mid-20th century, will not recognize the man portrayed in this colorful book. Not only is the image different, the man who became enlightened in France is also different. This is the real man. "Thomas Jefferson's Enlightenment: Paris - 1785" is a new kind of history. I call it a non-fiction narrative. It does not describe what Jefferson did in France. It takes the reader along as Jefferson does it. The reader comes to know the real man during eight divertissements in which French savant Pierre Cabanis shows the American Ambassador the city's most famous sites and buildings. In the course of these expeditions, Cabanis introduces his companion to the French Enlightenment.This knowledge is essential to Jefferson. The self-described "savage from the mountains of America" had gone went to France after the death of his wife to begin his life again. His plan was to become a new man in the form of a recent acquaintance, the marquis de Chastellux. To accomplish this transformation, Jefferson had not only to change his attire and his manners. He also had to learn the language of the French salons, which he intended to join.While accompanying Cabanis and Jefferson on their excursions through Paris in the summer of 1785, the reader sees a real person meeting real Frenchmen and learning to respond to them as a French sophisticate would do. With Cabanis' help, Jefferson grasped the French concept of Progress and came to see himself as its agent. This knowledge prepared him for the contest that lay ahead. Within a year of his return home, with the hepe of his Virginia neighbor, James Madison, he laid the foundations for a political party that would compete for power in America's first national campaign. During this ten-year process - Jefferson later referred to is as "the Second American Revolution" - the political loner who drafted the Declaration of Independence disappeared. Taking his place was an ambitious political partisan whose aim was to become the President of the United States of America.

In an elegant, eminently readable work, one of our most distinguished intellectual historians gives us a brilliant revisionist history. The Roads to Modernity reclaims the Enlightenment–an extraordinary time bursting with new ideas about human nature, politics, society, and religion--from historians who have downgraded its importance and from scholars who have given preeminence to the Enlightenment in France over concurrent movements in England and America. Contrasting the Enlightenments in the three nations, Himmelfarb demonstrates the primacy and wisdom of the British, exemplified in such thinkers as Adam Smith, David Hume, and Edmund Burke, as well as the unique and enduring contributions of the American Founders. It is their Enlightenments, she argues, that created a social ethic–humane, compassionate, and realistic–that still resonates strongly today, in America perhaps even more than in Europe. The Roads to Modernity is a remarkable and illuminating contribution to the history of ideas.

Thomas Paine (1737-1809) was England's greatest revolutionary: no other reformer was as actively involved in events of the scale of the American and French Revolutions, and none wrote such best-selling texts with the impact of Common Sense and Rights of Man. No one else combined the roles of activist and theorist, or did so in the 'age of revolutions', fundamental as it was to the emergence of the 'modern world'. But his fame meant that he was taken up and reinterpreted for current use by successive later commentators and politicians, so that the 'historic Paine' was too often obscured by the 'usable Paine'. J. C. D. Clark explains Paine against a revised background of early- and mid-eighteenth-century England. He argues that Paine knew and learned less about events in America and France than was once thought. He de-attributes a number of publications, and passages, hitherto assumed to have been Paine's own, and detaches him from a number of causes (including anti-slavery, women's emancipation, and class action) with which he was once associated. Paine's formerly obvious association with the early origin and long-term triumph of natural rights, republicanism, and democracy needs to be rethought. As a result, Professor Clark offers a picture of radical and reforming movements as more indebted to the initiatives of large numbers of men and women in fast-evolving situations than to the writings of a few individuals who framed lasting, and eventually triumphant, political discourses.