The Politics Of Moral Sin

This book analyzes the problems that arise when women's rights conflict with the views of conservative organized religion. Specifically, it addresses the legalization - or lack thereof - of divorce and abortion in three recently democratized Catholic countries: Spain, Chile, and Argentina. Offering a vital and timely contribution to political debates on democratic consolidation, social policy, gender, politics and religion, it challenges many of the accepted assumptions and conclusions in these fields, arguing that to understand the political dynamics and policy trajectories on these issues we must first analyze the distribution of both economic and political power. Merike Blofield moves the debate away from a (unitary) focus on values and public opinion to an analysis of how economic, social and political structures give certain actors more power than others. The topics covered should appeal to a broad readership interested in the difficulties of democratic consolidation in Latin America, and the obstacles to social policy reform in a region with such high levels of inequality. The analysis presented in The Politics of Moral Sin also deepens our understanding of why and how European countries have been so successful in limiting the indulgence of organized religion and in promoting women's rights.

Publisher description

Describing the political effects of Original Sin, Professor Budziszewski shows how man's suppression of his knowledge of right and wrong corrupts his conscience and accelerates social collapse. The depraved conscience grasps at the illusion of "moral neutrality," the absurd notion that men live together without a shared understanding of how things are. After evaluating the political devices, including the American Constitution, by which men have tried in the past to work around the effects of Original Sin, Dr. Budziszewski elucidates the pitfalls of contemporary communitarianism, liberalism, and conservatism.

Annotation. Although the US is proud of being a secular state, religion lies at the heart of American politics. This volume looks at how the country came to have the soul of a church & the consequences - the moral crusades against slavery, alcohol, witchcraft & discrimination that time & again have prevailed upon the nation.

How has Pentecostalism, a decidedly American form of Christian revivalism, managed to achieve such phenomenal religious ascendancy in a former British colony among people of predominately African descent? According to Diane J. Austin-Broos, Pentecostalism has flourished because it successfully mediates between two historically central yet often oppositional themes in Jamaican religious life—the characteristically African striving for personal freedom and happiness, and the Protestant struggle for atonement and salvation through rigorous ethical piety. With its emphasis on the individual experience of grace and on the ritual efficacy of spiritual healing, and with its vibrantly expressive worship, Jamaican Pentecostalism has become a powerful and compelling vehicle for the negotiation of such fundamental issues as gender, sexuality, race, and class. Jamaica Genesis is a work of signal importance to all those concerned not simply with Caribbean studies but with the ongoing transformation of religion andculture.

This book explores the evolution of Spanish feminism in the context of European feminisms and institutions from the 1960s to recent times. Beginning with Sección Femenina, the official Francoist women's organization, Feminism, National Identity and European Integration in Modern Spain traces the interplay between Spanish women's policy and international policymaking. In some cases, as with the Sección Femenina-championed Law of Political Rights (Ley de Derechos) in 1961, Spanish women's policy at least appeared more progressive than what Western democracies offered – notable at a time when Spain was considered backward. After Franco's death in 1975, Spain's democratic transition seemingly consolidated forward-thinking women's policy with a Constitution that guaranteed equality of the sexes in 1978, and with the creation of a national bureau charged with crafting women's policy, the Instituto de la Mujer (Women's Institute), in 1983. Yet feminists found themselves marginalized in Spanish political decision-making, as Kathryn L. Mahaney argues so successfully in this study. Mahaney reveals that women ultimately influenced domestic policy not by acting within national networks but by leveraging European connections, particularly after Spain joined the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. The book shows that Spanish feminists worked through the EEC to gain international approval of policies that had met domestic opposition, and did so by representing them as necessary litmus tests of nations' democratic integrity. Their proposals were shaped by the specific context of Spanish feminism, but also by Spanish debates about what rights democracies should grant women and what equality in a post-fascist nation should encompass. This ground-breaking study explains that, in turn, these processes shaped both Spain's and the European Union's much-prized self-identities as democratic communities.