Turning Parliament Inside Out

For years, the prospect of parliamentary reform has been a hot-button issue in Canada. More and more Canadians find themselves frustrated with how Parliament works (or doesn't) and end up increasingly checked out from politics as a whole, feeling like their voices don't matter to those in power. When he introduced the "Reform Act" bill in 2013, Conservative MP Michael Chong brought the issue of parliamentary reform to the forefront, proposing changes that would empower MPs and hold party leadership accountable to their caucus--and therefore, to all Canadians. Although the changes required for such reforms are modest, the effects they would have on the Canadian democratic process would be revolutionary. In Turning Parliament Inside Out, Chong joins Kennedy Stewart (NDP) and Scott Simms (Liberal) in organizing a collaboration between MPs from all of Canada's major political parties, representing ridings from across the country. They join together in an across-the-aisle effort to make these changes a reality, explaining why reform is so urgently needed and proposing practical, achievable suggestions for making it happen. The contributors of this cross-partisan, cooperative project aimed at increasing citizen control of Canada's political institutions, include: FOREWORDS BY: Ed Broadbent, Preston Manning and Bob Rae NIKI ASHTON is the Member of Parliament for the riding of Churchill–Keewatinook Aski. First elected in 2008, she is a member of the NDP, the party’s Critic for Jobs, Employment and Workforce Development and was a candidate in the 2012 NDP leadership race. MICHAEL CHONG (Editor) has represented the riding of Wellington–Halton Hills since 2004. He served in the cabinet of Prime Minister Stephen Harper as Minister of Intergovernmental Affairs and Minister of Sport and was a contestant in the 2017 Conservative leadership race. MICHAEL COOPER, Conservative Party, was elected to represent the riding of St. Albert–Edmonton in 2015. He is the Official Opposition Deputy Critic for Justice. NATHAN CULLEN is the NDP MP representing Skeena–Bulkley Valley since 2004. He has held various senior portfolios for the NDP including House Leader and Finance Critic and stood as a candidate in the 2012 NDP leadership race. ELIZABETH MAY is the leader of the Green Party of Canada. She became the first Green Party candidate to be elected to the House of Commons in 2011 and represents the riding of Saanich–Gulf Islands. SCOTT SIMMS (Editor)is the Member of Parliament for the Newfoundland and Labrador riding of Coast of Bays–Central–Notre Dame. First elected in 2004, he is a member of the Liberal Party and the current chair of the Standing Committee of Fisheries and Oceans. KENNEDY STEWART (editor) was elected in 2011 and is the NDP MP for Burnaby South. He is currently the NDP Critic for Science and chair of the NDP’s British Columbia caucus. ANITA VANDENBELD is a member of the Liberal Party and was elected to represent the riding of Ottawa West–Nepean in 2015. She in a a member of the Standing Committee of the Status of Women and chaired the Special Committee on Pay Equity in 2016.

The Paradox of Parliament provides a comprehensive analysis of all aspects of Parliament in order to explain the paradoxical expectations placed on the institution. The book argues that Parliament labours under two different "logics" of its purpose and primary role: one based on governance and decision-making and one based on representation and voice. This produces a paradox that is common to many legislatures, but Canada and Canadians particularly struggle to recognize and reconcile the competing logics. In The Paradox of Parliament, Jonathan Malloy discusses the major aspects of Parliament through the lens of these two competing logics to explain the ongoing dissatisfaction with Parliament and perennial calls for parliamentary reform. It focuses on overarching analytical themes rather than exhaustive description. It centres people over procedure and theory, with strong emphasis given to dimensions of gender, race, and additional forms of diversity. Arguing for a holistic and realistic understanding of Parliament that recognizes and accepts that Parliament evolves and adapts, The Paradox of Parliament puts forward an important and novel interpretation of the many facets of Parliament in Canada.

Canadians often see politicians as little more than trained seals who vote on command and repeat robotic talking points. Politicians are torn by dilemmas of loyalty to party versus loyalty to voters. Whipped examines the hidden ways that political parties exert control over elected members of legislatures. Drawing on extensive interviews with politicians and staffers across Canada, award-winning author Alex Marland explains why Members of Parliament and provincial legislators toe the party line, and shows how party discipline has expanded into message discipline. This book exposes how democracy works in our age of instant communication and political polarization. Whipped is a must-read for anyone interested in the real world of Canadian politics.

"Canada's prime minister is a dictator." "The Sun King of Canadian government." "More powerful than any other chief executive of any other democratic country." These kinds of claims are frequently made about Canada's leader – especially when the prime minister's party holds a majority government in Parliament. But is there any truth to these arguments? At the Centre of Government not only presents a comprehensively researched work on the structure of political power in Canada but also offers a first-hand view of the inner workings of the Canadian federal government. Ian Brodie – former chief of staff to Prime Minister Stephen Harper and former executive director of the Conservative Party of Canada – argues that the various workings of the Prime Minister's Office, the Privy Council Office, the cabinet, parliamentary committees, and the role of backbench members of Parliament undermine propositions that the prime minister has evolved into the role of an autocrat, with unchecked control over the levers of political power. He corrects the dominant thinking that Canadian prime ministers hold power without limits over their party, caucus, cabinet, Parliament, the public service, and the policy agenda. Citing examples from his time in government and from Canadian political history he argues that in Canada's evolving political system, with its roots in the pre-Confederation era, there are effective checks on executive power, and that the golden age of Parliament and the backbencher is likely now. Drawing on a vast body of work on governance and the role of the executive branch of government, At the Centre of Government is a fact-based primer on the workings of Canadian government and sobering second thoughts about many proposals for reform.

A history and theory of settler colonialism and social control Many would rather change worlds than change the world. The settlement of communities in 'empty lands' somewhere else has often been proposed as a solution to growing contradictions. While the lands were never empty, sometimes these communities failed miserably, and sometimes they prospered and grew until they became entire countries. Building on a growing body of transnational and interdisciplinary research on the political imaginaries of settler colonialism as a specific mode of domination, this book uncovers and critiques an autonomous, influential, and coherent political tradition - a tradition still relevant today. It follows the ideas and the projects (and the failures) of those who left or planned to leave growing and chaotic cities and challenging and confusing new economic circumstances, those who wanted to protect endangered nationalities, and those who intended to pre-empt forthcoming revolutions of all sorts, including civil and social wars. They displaced, and moved to other islands and continents, beyond the settled regions, to rural districts and to secluded suburbs, to communes and intentional communities, and to cyberspace. This book outlines the global history of a resilient political idea: to seek change somewhere else as an alternative to embracing (or resisting) transformation where one is.

In Canada and elsewhere, recent political, economic, and social shifts have brought gender to the forefront of politics as never before, from gender-based analyses and “feminist budgets” to the #MeToo, Idle No More, and Black Lives Matter movements. Detailing these gendered and turbulent political times, this book features state-of-the art scholarship from diverse contributors that encompasses both contemporary challenges as well as avenues for change now and into the future. This collection represents a complex treatment of both gender and politics, in which gender is examined in light of other collective identities and their intersections and politics refers to both institutional and movement and countermovement politics.

Popular consensus has long been that if "enough women" are present in political institutions they will represent "women's interests." Yet many believe that differences among women--women disagreeing about what is in "their interest"--fatally undermine both the principle and the practice of women's group representation. In this book, Karen Celis and Sarah Childs redress women's poverty of political representation with a new feminist account of democratic representation. Rather than giving up on women's group representation, Celis and Childs re-think and re-design representative institutions, taking women's differences--both ideological and intersectional--as their starting point. Feminist Democratic Representation considers a broad spectrum of contemporary problematics--abortion, prostitution/sex work, Muslim women's dress, and Marine Le Pen--to discuss women's under- and misrepresentation and the "good, bad and the ugly" representative. As problem-driven scholars firmly grounded in feminist and democratic empirical and theoretical political science, Celis and Childs imagine what good representation for women in all their diversity could look like--representation as it should be. To realize this ideal in today's established representative democracies, they present a second-generation feminist design for parliaments and legislatures, underpinned by a re-thinking of feminist and democratic principles. Celis and Childs conceive of representation as a mélange of dimensions, and they shift the focus in women's group representation from feminist outcome to feminist process. Inclusive, responsive, and egalitarian representation for all women demands a new category of representatives in parliaments: the "affected representatives of women" who are epistemologically and experientially close to differently affected women. Affected representatives passionately advocate within political institutions, and publicly hold elected representatives to account. Feminist processes of representation have wide effects and deepen relationships between women and their democratic institutions. Against the more fashionable tide of post-representative politics, Feminist Democratic Representation argues not simply for more, but significantly better, representation.