Africa What Lies Ahead

Dunduzu Kaluli Chisiza’s Africa: What Lies Ahead represents an early effort by a Malawian nationalist to craft a vision for the country and Africa’s progress in the areas of politics, economy, religion, and culture. Republished at a time when Malawi struggles with corruption, economic stagnation, regional and ethnic challenges, it offers refreshing ideas about what needs to be done to contain these vices.

The author looks at Africa at the end of the twentieth century and the challenges the continent faces in the twentieth-first in terms of development, governance and conflict resolution. The author also re-examines the concepts of sovereignty and the nation-state and their relevance to Africa and proposes restructuring the modern African state to reflect African realities and accommodate conflicting interests - political, regional and ethnic, among others - to achieve and maintain peace and stability in the quest for development. He also looks at the highly centralised state and whether or not federalism - redefined to suit African conditions and incorporating traditional institutions of governance - provides a better alternative to centralised authority so typical of most countries across the continent. He proposes a new form of federalism which addresses problems arising from ethnicity and regionalism. He also contends that there is an imperative need for Africans to return to their roots in order to revive and use their traditional institutions and indigenous knowledge to achieve peace, justice, stability and progress in the 21st century instead of relying on imported ideologies which have done more harm than good to Africa and are not even modified to suit African conditions. Botswana stands out in that regard. It has used its traditional institutions very well, such as kgotla, in resolving conflicts and making community decisions on other matters on consensus basis. As the Tswana say, the highest form of war is dialogue. The author also looks at devolution as a means to achieve true democracy and as a tool in conflict management and resolution in countries where some groups, especially ethnoregional, feel they are marginalised by the central government dominated by a few individuals or rival ethnic groups. He also addresses regional integration versus secession and contends that although there may have been some secessionist movements in the post-colonial era which were justified - Katanga was not one of them, he maintains - the future of Africa lies not in secession but in regional integration and formation of federations. Africa has experienced both, integration and secession, and may still face secession in some parts of the continent in the future if the leaders involved do not address the grievances of their people, especially ethnic and regional groups which are marginalised. The author states that there may even be a need for another "Berlin conference," but this time one that is organised by the Africans themselves, and only for Africans, to redraw the map of Africa and resolve territorial and ethnoregional disputes and conflicts caused by the boundaries which were imposed on Africans by the imperial powers to suit their own interests, totally ignoring the indigenous people as if they did not even exist. The book also provides a theoretical framework for further research and rigorous analysis and for devising innovative solutions to Africa's multi-faceted problems although the author has avoided delving into abstract concepts since the purpose of his work is to involve everybody, not just academics, in finding solutions to the problems the continent will continue to face in the twentieth-first century.

This book focuses on the late colonial history of Zambia and Malawi, which between 1953 and 1963 were part of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Although there were many links in their history and between their populations, the two territories (British protectorates under Colonial Office control) contrasted greatly in power structures, in their economies, and in their development. Europeans living in Northern Rhodesia, with a power base in the mining economy, were able to establish a dominant position in the territory after the Second World War. By the 1950s it looked as though they would have, with Southern Rhodesian Europeans, a long hegemony, gaining independence from Britain as a new Dominion, which would mean control over both Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland through the Federation. Thus, white ethnicity and ideology are essential factors in this book relating to the struggle for power from just before the Second World War up to the 1960s. However, crises in 1959 and 1960 led to the collapse of the Federation. A second focus is on issues of social and economic development. For Africans in Nyasaland, and in rural parts of Northern Rhodesia, there was a relatively weak economy in this period, a pattern of limited cash crop production, while many people became caught up in labour migration, subordinate to powerful European-dominated economic forces within southern Africa. This meant that colonial policies aimed at rural development were fundamentally flawed. The book also looks at the actual nature of rural economic change (as opposed to colonial policies) and discusses alternative visions of the future which were put forward. The argument is put that historians have often concentrated on the activities of the main nationalist movements in Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, seeing them as bringing progress away from colonialism and towards independence. Here there is an attempt to draw out the complexities of life, and a variety of responses in the colonial situation, progress coming in a number of forms, but not always being achieved.

A rare and timely intervention from Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, on development in Africa. To many, Africa is the new frontier. As the West lies battered by financial crisis, Africa is seen as offering limitless opportunities for wealth creation in the march of globalization. But what is Africa to today's Africans? Are its economies truly on the rise? And what is its likely future? In this pioneering book, leading international strategist Kingsley Moghalu challenges conventional wisdoms about Africa's quest for growth. Drawing on philosophy, economics and strategy, he ranges from capitalism to technological innovation, finance to foreign investment, and from human capital to world trade to offer a new vision of transformation. Ultimately he demonstrates how Africa's progress in the twenty-first century will require nothing short of the reinvention of the African mindset. 'Africans seriously analyzing Africa's opportunities are all too rare. Kingsley Moghalu writes with insight and authority' Paul Collier 'Savvy . . . distinguished' Mark Malloch-Brown 'Unique in the depth of its insight, the ambition of its scope, and the clarity of its argument. Kingsley Moghalu brings a remarkable intellect and his vast experience to this tour de force on Africa's economic transformation. This is a truly weighty contribution to understanding Africa's developmental dilemma and its quest for a more prosperous future' Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala 'Insightful and analytical . . . sheds instructive light on Africa's position in the world. It is a testament to the palpable optimism that encompasses Africa while frankly addressing the myriad challenges that lie ahead for its economic transformation' Shashi Tharoor Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu is Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria. He was the Founder and CEO of Sogato Strategies S.A., a global strategy and risk management consulting firm in Geneva, Switzerland. He has previously worked for the United Nations for 17 years in strategic planning, legal, development finance and executive management. His previous books include Global Justice and Rwanda's Genocide.

This edited volume explores Canada’s foreign policy relationship with the Palestinians and broader Middle East Peace Process (MEPP). Canada was intensively involved from 1992 to 2000 in peacebuilding as a mediator in the multilateral part of the MEPP, as chair of the Refugee Working Group, and sponsor of Track II negotiations. This all changed after a significant mid-2000s discursive and policy shift when Canada withdrew from the politics of Israel-Palestine peacebuilding and took a strong partisan stance in favour of Israel. Through 10 chapters by current and former government insiders and academics with extensive field experience, this unique edited volume offers insight into decades of evolution in Canadian policy toward the Palestinians, MEPP and the Middle East. It arrives at an important time when the international community is reconsidering how it views Israel’s entrenched occupation of the Palestinians, after three failed decades of United States-led efforts to find peace through a negotiated two-state model. Today, peace may never have appeared further away after the Trump Administration adopted policies directly contradictory to the MEPP. This proved a test to Canada’s own official policy toward Israel and Palestine, its longest running and most important region of engagement in the Middle East. The chapters were originally published as a special issue of the Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, guest edited by Jeremy Wildeman and Emma Swan.

The withdrawal of imperial colonizers from Africa in the second half of the 20th century precipitated the need for newly independent African nations to establish political, economic, and social structures that would ensure the development of cohesive, stable, and functional nations. While Africans yearned for independence, once granted, the challenges of nation-building became apparent immediately. Nigeria, like many African nations, has stumbled through the early postcolonial period with no clear post-colonial direction, dashing the hopes of its people and undermining confidence in its future. This book makes the case that the protracted decades of underdevelopment in Africa, and especially Nigeria, is traceable to a crisis of leadership that has crystallized in the institutionalization of organized corruption as part of its professional ethos. It argues that as a direct consequence of such practices over several decades, the population has been dehumanized. The situation of Africa in general, and Nigeria in particular, has been deemed so inimical and colossal that Justice Oputas panel advised a program of moral action from kindergarten right through to the entire polity (Report of the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission, 2002). This is an indictment on the Nigerian population, and rightly so because for more than 40 years after independence, the country has been through a spiraling crisis in leadership and corruption such that massive looting of the national treasure is unprecedented in the history of developing countries. So many attempts have been made in search of national ideology that might spur development. This writer is proposing, in this vein, the implementation of a Conscientization philosophy similar to Paulo Freires as a viable ideology that would arrest and reverse the deteriorating situation. Freires thought was influenced largely by socio Economic and political situations in Brazil. These same ugly and dehumanizing conditions are now generally characteristic of Nigeria. Hence, Freires education as practice of freedom is very relevant to the Nigerian situation. This dissertation elaborates how to develop and implement the Conscientization philosophy and shows why it would be extraordinarily appropriate in Nigeria in such a way as to contribute to the good society.