Armenia S Future Relations With Turkey And The Karabagh Conflict

This project addresses recurring questions about Armenian-Turkish relations, the legacy of the Armenian genocide of 1915, and relations between the Armenian diaspora and the Republic of Armenia. Additionally, it discusses the ongoing conflict with Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government’s handling of the commemoration of the one-hundredth anniversary of the Armenian genocide.

Almost three years have passed since the Protocols on Turkey-Armenia relations were signed in October 2009. With their failure to be ratified less than a year later, Turkey-Armenia relations have once again seemingly fallen off of the Turkish government, media and public's agenda. Three years from now on April 24, Armenians will commemorate the 100th anniversary of the mass massacres and deportations of Armenians that took place in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917. Without a new initiative to re- start the rapprochement process, it seems like the next time the Armenia issue will be on Turkey's agenda in a significant way will be during this commemoration. In short, official relations are "frozen" at present and perhaps for the near future. Yet GPoT Center's extensive experience in "second-track" diplomacy and conflict resolution projects in various countries gives it a long-term view that lends it hope about future prospects for Turkey- Armenia relations. Particularly in Armenia, GPoT has enacted and continues to enact numerous exchange programs, roundtable discussions and research projects with its Armenian partners that bring together stakeholders from both countries to create and foster dialogue.

Seminar paper from the year 2012 in the subject Politics - Region: Near East, Near Orient, grade: 1,3, http://www.uni-jena.de/, language: English, abstract: 1 1. Introduction Armenian–Turkish relations have been strained by a number of historical and political issues and the current status of this relations can traced back to the last moments of the Ottoman Empire and to be more specific to the massacres on the Armenians living in this empire. According to available historical records and depending on the point of view, between 1915 and 1923, more between 300.000 and more than one million Armenians were killed by the Ottoman authorities. In the last years Armenia and its diaspora has campaigned heavily for international recognition of the killings. The modern Turkish state, the successor states of the Ottoman Empire, has repeatedly and heavily refused to acknowledge the Armenian interpretation of events. The Turkish government insists that the circumstances and the actually happening in this period of time were different and less horrific than the Armenian version is telling. Most recently the bilateral relations between Armenia and Turkey took another serious nosedive in the wake of the war between Armenia and Azerbaijan at the beginning of the 1990s. As a loyal supporter of the Azerbaijan Turkey froze its diplomatic relations with Armenia and closed its common border. These two historical events and their consequences strain the relationship between the two neighboring states, which still have no formal diplomatic relation and Recent attempts of the international community to normalize the relations failed. In this submitted term paper the historical development of the relationship between Armenia and Turkey supposed to be shown, whereas a special emphasis is put on the massacre on the Armenians in 1914/1915 and the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. These two events play a crucial and decisive key role in Turkish-Armenian relations and are therefore considered separately. Subsequently the development of the modern relation since the year 2000 is to be analyzed to give an answer to the question, whether the bilateral relations can be normalized and a diplomatic relation can be installed in the near future.

The Turkish-Armenian conflict has lasted for nearly a century and still continues in attenuated forms to poison the relationship between these two peoples. The author, Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations and previously advisor to the United Nations, undertook, as head of the Turkish-Armenian Reconciliation Committee, to bring the two sides together and to work with them towards a peaceful resolution of the enmity that had made any contact between them taboo. His lively account of the difficult negotiations makes fascinating reading; it shows that the newly developed “track-two diplomacy” is an effective tool for reconciling even intractable foes through fostering dialog, contact and cooperation.

Zusammenfassung: By siding with Azerbaijan in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, Turkey is primarily pursuing the goal of undermining the current status quo of the region. Ankara aims above all to secure a place at the table where a solution to the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan will be negotiated in the future. The Syrian scenario should serve as an example. Turkey thus wants to negotiate with Russia in the South Caucasus, preferably without Western actors. Ankara's plans are not uninteresting for Moscow. However, because of the complexity of Turkish-Armenian relations, there is a risk that Armenia and Turkey might become the eventual opponents in this conflict, rather than Armenia and Azerbaijan. The EU's engagement should not be determined by its tense relationship with Turkey, but rather by the UN Security Council resolutions on Nagorno-Karabakh

This thesis examines the Karabagh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia and its implication on the Caucasus regional security in general and Turkey's role in particular. It investigates the causes of the conflict from a theoretical, historical and practical view and evaluates the role of the various international actors in the conflict. This thesis also traces the role of oil and oil politics in resolving the conflict and contrarily examines how the conflict affects the development of the oil in the Caucasus region. This study concludes that the Karabagh conflict and the ensuing events eroded the Turkish role in the Caucasus and created a situation prone to instability and renewed violence. This study provides specific recommendations for Turkish foreign policy makers to enhance the stability in the region without sacrificing Turkish interests. Recommendations include increased relations and engagement with Iran and Russia and the further containment of Armenia until a dramatic change in its attitude is observed.

The Challenge of Statehood is a timely book on politics in Armenia and its Diaspora since Armenia's independence. The volume analyzes how conflicting interpretations of history have nurtured competing policies and influenced the future of Armenia and of its relations with its neighbors. The author challenges ideologized views of war and diplomacy, of the Genocide and the politics of its recognition, and of national unity and political legitimization. He explores the Nagorno Karabagh conflict, the difficult relations with Turkey, and the relationship between Homeland and Diaspora. The author argues that the resignation of President Levon Ter-Petrossian in 1998 constituted a watershed in the ongoing battle between pragmatic and ideological concepts of independence statehood and nationhood.

This book focuses on Post-Soviet ethnic conflicts and Russia's involvement in them. In light of its significant importance for general ethnic conflict, specifically the post-Soviet Caucasus, along with the most recent war just fought over the area from September-November 2020, this book appropriately argues that it is time to reconsider Karabakh. This project deals with the historical, social and political aspects of the Karabakh issue regarding its origins, development and the current status of the conflict subsequent to the war in the autumn of 2020. Thus, the main themes will stress these points, as well as the importance of the Karabakh issue for the future, by considering its precedents and implications for other secessionist wars. This book also explores how such wars begin and end, the international legal precedents of self-determination versus territorial integrity, its implications for post-Soviet developments and conflicts, and the latest successful weapons developments lessons from the recent war involving drones, among others such as Azerbaijan’s rich oil reserves.