Egyptian Foreign Relations Under Al Sisi

Considering both changes and continuities, this book examines how, why, and along which lines Egypt’s external alignments under the al-Sisi regime emerged and developed. Egypt’s foreign relations have changed substantially since the current regime took power in 2013. To assess this, the author develops and applies a unique analytical approach: the model of ‘two-staged alignment formation.’ In the first stage, domestic threats to the Egyptian regime’s survival determined specific needs the regime tried to meet by approaching external partners. In the second stage, characteristics of the global and regional environments defined opportunities and constraints and therefore the regime’s options and logical choices. In sum, the interplay of developments on the domestic, regional, and global levels resulted in a diversification of Egypt’s external alignments, with China and Russia joining the EU and the US as Egypt’s main global partners, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates emerging as the regime’s prime regional partners. Explaining the emerging alignment patterns from 2013 until 2017, this book aids understanding of the complexity of alignment formation and of Egyptian external relations in that critical period of time. This book will be of high interest to researchers and students working on Egyptian foreign relations, on relations between states, and on regional dynamics in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) region. It is also valuable for practitioners, because it helps to understand an issue of high relevance for foreign policy-making.

Since the coup of 2013 ended Egypt's brief democratic experiment and retired army chief, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, became president of Egypt, his regime has unleashed mass repression and severe restrictions on an unprecedented scale. This has been characterized by arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances, and the torture of real - or suspected - political activists and dissidents. The Sisi regime has not only entangled the country in political violence, but has also mired Egypt in a deep economic crisis. This book follows President Sisi's regime in the aftermath of the coup that brought him to power. It is a chronology of the devastating political, economic and social consequences of direct military rule. Written by Egyptian political analyst and Egypt pundit, Maged Mandour, it is a compelling account built on years of writing and research. This includes analysis of primary sources, such as laws, constitutional amendment issued by the regime, statements made by regime officials, and local media, as well as official economic data from state sources and international organisations. Mandour explains exactly how Sisi operates and what makes his regime so different, and so dangerous, compared to those that came before. It shows, for the first time, how Egypt has been pushed to the brink of the abyss and why this will change the country for decades to come.

Academic Paper from the year 2019 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Peace and Conflict Studies, Security, grade: 16/20, University of St Andrews, language: English, abstract: The purpose of this paper is to understand to the extent strong-weak state dichotomy reinforces coercive power over legitimacy. The paper proposes an analytical perspective to assess what is described as a strong state as opposite to a failed or fragile state. It suggests that, in some empirical cases, the notion of strong state does not necessarily reflect legitimacy but rather, often times, oppression under the claim of maintaining stability and order amongst the citizens. The paper uses Ronald Paris’s theory on Institutionalisation Before Liberalisation (IBL) as one example of liberal peace literature discourse that supports state-centrism. It criticises Paris’s argument of institutionalisation as a mean towards a stable and peaceful state, differentiating between the stability of a state versus the stability of a regime. As an empirical evidence, the paper sheds light on the current status of Egypt under President’s Al-Sisi rule as a case study of how institutionalism reinforces coercion and violence. The field of International Relations has contributed to the understanding of the notions of strong and weak states especially as an element of peacekeeping on both the intrastate and interstate levels. Strong-weak states literature has been focusing on institutions-building as an indicator for the level of autonomy and good governance the state performs. War-shattered states and Third World countries are presumed to be mostly fragile, due to their lack of efficient institutions that regulate the political, social and economic lives of the citizens. Attempting to address such issue, over the past years the liberal discourse has been developing several models to help build strong states by establishing powerful institutions in those countries through different modes of assistance. One of those models is the Institutionalisation Before Liberalisation developed by Ronald Paris which argues that building strong state institutions is vital for maintaining peace before bringing in democracy.

In False Dawn, noted Middle East regional expert Steven Cook offers a sweeping narrative account of the past five years, moving from Turkey to Tunisia to Yemen to Iraq to Egypt and beyond, ultimately presenting a powerful theoretical analysis of why the Arab Spring failed.

Egypt continues to be cultural and political beacon in the Middle East. Its control of the Suez Canal, cold peace with Israel, concern about Gaza, mediation and interest in the Israel-Palestine conflict, and the marginalization of the Muslim Brotherhood are all points of significance. There is a close, and expanding, defence and security relationship between Egypt and the GCC states, most evident in the inclusion of Egypt in Saudi Arabia's new Sunni counter-terrorism alliance. The authors of this book contextualise historical linkages, and allies add to this the real postures (especially contentious relations with Qatar and Turkey) and study Egypt's strategic relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE in particular. The book's main argument derives from a complex web of political, socio-economic and military issues in a changing regional and international system. It states that the Egyptian regional policy under Sisi will generally remain consistent with existing parameters (such as broad counter-terrorism efforts, including against the Muslim brotherhood). There is strong evidence to support the idea that Cairo wishes to maintain a GCC-first policy.

Egyptian Foreign Policy from Mubarak to Morsi explores an area rarely touched upon by researchers, the relationship between regime security and the national interest. Concentrating on Egyptian foreign policy under President Hosni Mubarak, this book analyses how it was used to bolster his internal hold on power. In considering Egyptian foreign policy, two central case studies are examined. Firstly, Egypt’s reluctance to re-establish diplomatic ties with Iran, and secondly, Egypt’s response to the efforts of the Bush administration in promoting political reform in the Middle East. When examining these case studies the impact of different societal factors on decision-making is taken into consideration, highlighting the role of business groups and the security apparatus in foreign policy decision-making. Concluding with a discussion of Egypt's foreign policy in the first year of Mohamed Morsi's rule, and arguing that it has departed little from Mubarak's policy, this book is a vital resource for anyone interested in contemporary Egyptian politics, Middle East Studies and International Relations more broadly.