Party Organization And Communication In Poland

This book provides a new analytical perspective on the strategies, membership and communication management of political parties in Poland. The authors address why some political parties have managed to strengthen and survive while others have failed to do the same. The research was carried out in the years 2016–2018, when Poland started to be seen more and more as a weakening democracy. As an in-depth, empirically grounded single-country study of party structure and communication, the book gives an opportunity to draw broader conclusions about the process of party development in the Central and Eastern Europe region three decades since the beginning of democratic transition.

This book is the final product of the research project ``Populist political communication: political messages, media coverage and audience feedback''. It focuses on three categories of participants in populist political communication, that is political actors, media, and citizens. In particular, this study offers an insight into reasons behind the choice by Polish politicians and journalists to use populist messages, as well as factors fostering populist sentiments among Polish citizens. Its multi-dimensional approach utilizes communication, media and political science theories to make sense of production, dissemination, reception, and impact of populist political messages. This publication combines several aspects of research on populism. On the one hand, it is a continuation of theoretical and interpretative discussions present in both Polish and foreign literature. The correlation between Polish and foreign research is important, as it allows for comparison of the results obtained in different research contexts, as well as for further theoretical discussions on the methods of researching and describing the discussed phenomena. On the other hand, it attempts to capture a specificity of the Polish populist political communication in recent years (2015-2017).

This book examines the factors determining the character, depth, scope and outcomes of changes made by political parties in the aftermath of electoral losses. It considers not only the objective aspects of party organisation and its features and structure, in explaining post-defeat party change, but also includes findings on the perceptions and interpretations of electoral results within political parties. Based on an extensive fieldwork, the authors propose a new analytical perspective to establish whether and under what conditions and circumstances an electoral defeat leads to a profound party makeover.

The Rand Corporation is conducting a multiyear comparative study of the role of the media in intra-elite communication in Communist countries. Western analysts of the political process in "closed" Communist systems necessarily rely heavily on the published and broadcast output of the mass and specialized media. These media are in part propaganda organs, but they also have other functions. A generation of Sovietologists has had to base much of its analysis of policies and politics on interpretations of media nuances. Yet their assumptions about the relationship between the media and the political actors whose behavior or attitudes are inferred from them have received little attention. The Rand study was initiated to fill this need. Its emphasis is not on techniques of content analysis, but rather on the process by which politically significant material appears in Communist-country media. The principal data base of the study is information obtained from interviews with 44 emigres formerly involved in the media process as writers, journalists, editors, censors, and government and Party officials. The results of this study are published in a Summary Report, which provides an overview and conclusions, and in a series of Rand Notes, which contain more detailed analyses and documentation of the research. This Note examines the structural and organizational factors that influence the output of Polish media. Section II reviews the changing position of the media in the Polish Communist system in the postwar period and provides a basis for understanding both the important general distinctions among the Stalinist, 1956, Gomulka, and Gierek periods and related changes in the instruments of Party control. Section III examines the various instruments by which the Party exercises direct and indirect supervision over the media. Sections IV and V describe key elements of the internal organization and editorial process, respectively, that affect the output of Polish media organs.

This book looks at issues on Gender and LGBTQ matters in political elections in both institutional and communication contexts. Examining wins and losses in elections and assessing accountabilities in those results this broad and international collection analyses how the issue of gender and LGBTQ identity is both factored into, and determines electoral success, not only in consolidated democracies such as the United States, New Zealand, and Norway, but also in a country facing an undemocratic turn such as Poland. . Does raising the subject of gender and LGBTQ issues affect electoral processes? Are there countries where gender and LGBTQ issues are more likely to be instrumentalised in the electoral process? Can common patterns between countries be detected? This book seeks to answer these questions and center gendered issues through a range of topics including party loyalty, voter participation, gendered media coverage, and discourses on electoral defeat, and leadership. This book is suitable for students and scholars in LGBTQ Studies, Politics, Social Sciences and Gender Studies.

Populist Parties and Democratic Resilience focuses on populist parties as the main agents of populism and examines when these parties turn anti-democratic and when they remain loyal to the democratic system. Following the Brexit referendum, the election of Donald Trump, and the rise of populist parties around the globe, many observers suggested that democracy was in serious trouble. Nevertheless, while some democratic systems have been seized by populists, most of them have proven resilient. In this volume, the authors identify the conditions under which populist parties become inimical to political and societal pluralism. They offer in-depth analyses of the trajectory of populist parties in eleven European Union countries (Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, The Netherlands, Poland, Romania, and Spain). The book shows that, reflecting the diversity of national contexts, there are multiple pathways whereby populist parties’ power can remain contained and subject to democratic checks and balances. Moreover, populist parties can — at times voluntarily, at other times by force of external conditions — come to adhere to the democratic rules of the game. On this basis, the volume outlines different ways in which European democracies can successfully accommodate populist parties through strategies that carefully navigate between the extremes of uncritical acceptance and outright ostracization. Drawing on the literature on democratic theory and comparative politics, this book directly contributes to the public debate on the state of democracy in Europe. It will be of interest to researchers of comparative politics, European politics, party politics, democracy, and populism.

Scholars of post-communist politics often argue that parties in new democracies lack strong organizations - sizable membership, local presence, and professional management - because they do not need them to win elections and they may hinder a party's flexibility and efficiency in office. Post-Communist Democracies and Party Organization explains why some political parties are better able than others to establish themselves in new democracies and why some excel at staying unified in parliament, whereas others remain dominated by individuals. Focusing on the democratic transitions in post-communist Europe from 1990 to 2010, Margit Tavits demonstrates that the successful establishment of a political party in a new democracy crucially depends on the strength of its organization. Yet not all parties invest in organization development. This book uses data from ten post-communist democracies, including detailed analysis of parties in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland.

This book fills a gap in the existing literature on how parties and party systems are developing in the new democracies of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. It provides the first detailed, empirically based examination from a structural and organizational perspective of the new parties and political groupings that have emerged in Poland since the collapse of communism in 1989. The author develops his argument on the basis of an analysis of five key structural and organizational variables: the internal distribution of power and modes of representation within the parties; the role of the party bureaucracy; the relationship between parties and their electorates; the development of parties as membership organizations; and the relationship between parties and the state. As the first in-depth, empirically grounded single-country study of party structure and organization in post-communist Eastern Europe, the book provides an opportunity to draw broader conclusions about the process of Central and East European party development and will contribute significantly towards the development of a post-communist political party model. Szczerbiak sheds light on an important aspect of the more general process of post-communist democratization in the region and provides a major contribution to one of the least-explored areas of transition.