What Universities Owe Democracy

Introduction -- American dreams : access, mobility, fairness -- Free minds : educating democratic citizens -- Hard facts : knowledge creation and checking power -- Purposeful pluralism : dialogue across difference on campus -- Conclusion.

Universities have historically been integral to democracy. What can they do to reclaim this critical role? Universities play an indispensable role within modern democracies. But this role is often overlooked or too narrowly conceived, even by universities themselves. In What Universities Owe Democracy, Ronald J. Daniels, the president of Johns Hopkins University, argues that—at a moment when liberal democracy is endangered and more countries are heading toward autocracy than at any time in generations—it is critical for today's colleges and universities to reestablish their place in democracy. Drawing upon fields as varied as political science, economics, history, and sociology, Daniels identifies four distinct functions of American higher education that are key to liberal democracy: social mobility, citizenship education, the stewardship of facts, and the cultivation of pluralistic, diverse communities. By examining these roles over time, Daniels explains where colleges and universities have faltered in their execution of these functions—and what they can do going forward. Looking back on his decades of experience leading universities, Daniels offers bold prescriptions for how universities can act now to strengthen democracy. For those committed to democracy's future prospects, this book is a vital resource.

"This book identifies four distinct functions of American higher education that colleges and universities have acquired over the past two hundred years and that are integral to liberal democracy: social mobility, citizenship education, the discovery and communication of knowledge, and the cultivation of a pluralistic society. Each chapter takes up one of these functions to analyze and assess"--

Nothing Less than Great addresses the current challenges faced by Canada's university system and offers solutions to help improve the academic experience of students.

Magnanimity and Statesmanship, a collection of studies by a number distinguished political scientists, traces the changing understanding of great political leadership through the history of political philosophy. Covering thinkers from Aristotle to Nietzsche, and including treatments of such statesmen as Washington and Churchill, the book addresses the timely question: What makes for great statesmanship?

"Academic freedom, the intellectual bedrock of American intellectual activities, was not always a shared value, but one that emerged from faculty collective action. This book provides a detailed history of the founding and early activities of the American Association of University Professors set into the broader societal and intellectual circumstances that affected its initial development. Key to the story, of course, is the influential work of Arthur O. Lovejoy at Johns Hopkins and John Dewey at Harvard in establishing this national association and very early professional trade union. The professionalization of the faculty, which accompanied the development of the American research university, identified academic freedom as a central element of professional autonomy. Public debates over academic freedom occurred within the broader debate of the balance of power in the American university. This debate was strongly influenced by the perspectives of the Progressive Era: the goal to democratize university governance was presented frequently in terms similar to the broader goal of democratizing American society. These developments were central to the establishment of the Association, and individual founders of the AAUP played an active part in many of them, inside and outside of academe"--

A critical edition of the book that paved the way for the democratization of American higher education If you have ever attended a town meeting or business lunch, or participated in a church group or department meeting, or served on a faculty senate or maybe just watched C-SPAN, then you have likely encountered Robert's Rules of Order. This critical edition of Henry M. Robert's essential guide to parliamentary procedure features the original text from 1876 along with a companion essay by Christopher Loss, who artfully recounts the book's publication and popular reception, and sheds light on its enduring value for one of the most vital bastions of democracy itself—the modern university. Loss deftly explains why Robert's simple, elegant handbook to democratic governance captured the imagination of so many ordinary citizens during the Gilded Age and how it has shaped the development of our colleges and universities ever since. He shows how Robert's rules can help faculty, administrators, and students to solve problems and overcome challenges through collaboration, disciplined thinking, trust in the facts, and honesty and fairness from all sides. At a time when people's faith in democracy and higher education has been shaken to its core, Robert's Rules of Order offers a powerful reminder of the importance of democratic norms and practices in American life and institutions.

When Congress endorsed substantial aid to schools in 1965, the idea that the federal government had any responsibility for public education was controversial. Twenty years later, not only had that controversy dissipated, Washington's role in education had dramatically expanded. Gareth Davies explores how both conservatives and liberals came to embrace the once daring idea of an active federal role in elementary and secondary education and uses that case to probe the persistence-and growth-of big government during a supposedly antigovernment era. By focusing on institutional changes in government that accompanied the civil rights revolution, Davies shows how initially fragile programs put down roots, built a constituency, and became entrenched. He explains why the federal role in schools continued to expand in the post-LBJ years as the reform impulse became increasingly detached from electoral politics, centering instead on the courts and the federal bureaucracy. Meanwhile, southern resistance to school desegregation had discredited the "states rights" argument, making it easier for conservatives as well as liberals to seek federal solutions to social problems. Although LBJ's landmark Elementary and Secondary Education Act deferred to local control, the legislation of the Nixon-Ford years issued directives that posed greater challenges to traditional federalism than Johnson's grand ideals. As Davies shows, the new political climate saw the achievement of such breakthroughs as mandated bilingual education, school finance reform, and the Education for All Handicapped Children Act-measures that, before the seventies, would have been considered unthinkably intrusive by liberals as well as conservatives. And when Ronald Reagan promised to abolish the Department of Education, conservatives worked with liberals to derail his agenda. Davies' surprising study shows that the distancing of American conservatism from its anti-statist traditions helped pave the way for today's "big government conservatism," which enabled a Republican-dominated Congress to pass No Child Left Behind. By revealing the endurance of Great Society values during a period of Republican ascendance, his book opens a window on our political process and offers new insight into what really makes government grow.